-V'v W ^ ^^ . v^ - *> '- -^^ ^:-^ M ■•i: 3-1 n^^*: rl.r r... /, J ,' ^,.>-->;^'^-'*^ Vvr .1 -.. . r ■,-^rVr. - f>".,X.^i.v^^./^^^^- { \%».. ■^^3 ■<^t^- -^i- • ^ ' .V .1 LJJiJ HARVARD UNIVERSITY. 1. 1 B K A R Y OF THE MUSEUM OF COMPARATIVE ZOOLOGY. \, \\^\ - \aa^ ^ , 1^0^ TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incoui'OK'ai ED A. D. 1799 VOLUME XIII J 907- 1 908 Publications of Yale University NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1908 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR PRESS Copyright 1908. Connecticut Academy of Akts and Sciences. OFFICERS FOR 1907-08. President. Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN. Vice-Presidents. Prof. ALEXANDER W. EVANS. Prof. CLIVE DAY, Prof. HANS OERTEL. Secretary. Dr. GEORGE F. EATON. Treasurer. Mr. THOMAS LEE McCLUNG. Ijibrarian. Prof. JOHN CHRISTOPHER SCHWAB. Cotnniittee on Publication. Hon. S. E. BALDWIN, Chairman, Prof. A. W. EVANS, Prof. E. S. DANA, Prof. CLIVE DAY, Prof. H. OERTEL, Prof. J. C. SCHWAB, Prof. A. S. COOK. OONTElSrTS. PAGE Additions to the Library, Jan. 1, 1907 to April 1, 1908 vii Art. I. — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. By Irving Fisher 1 Art. II. — Relations Between Bermuda and the Ameri- can Colonies During the Revolutionary War. By Addison E. Verrill 47 Art III. — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. By William B. Kirkham 65 Art. IV. — Poesies de " Maistre Eloy du Mont, Dict Costentin." By David H. Carnahan 89 Art. V. — The State Works of Pennsylvania. By AvARD L. Bishop 149 Art. VI. — Decapod Crustacea of Bermuda ; I — Bra- CHYURA AND AnOMURA : ThEIR DISTRIBUTION, VARI- ATIONS, AND Habits. By Addison E. Verrill 299 Art. VII. — Studies in Cervantes. Persiles y Sigis- munda III. By Rudolph Schevill 475 ADDITIO]^S TO THE LIBEAEY OF THE Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, By Gift and Exchange from Jan. 1, 1907, to Apr. 1, 1908. American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Proceedings. Vol. XLII. 14-XLIII. 14. 1907-1908. American Antiquarian Society. Proceedings. New Ser. Vol. XVIII. 1-3. 1906-1907. American Astronomer. I. 1-2. 1907. American Entomological Society. Transactions. Vol. XXXI. 1-4. 1905. American Geographical Society. Bulletin. Vol. XXXIX. 1-XL. 2. 1907-1908. American Museum of Natural History (New York). Bulletin. Vol. XXII. 22-30 ; XXIII. 1-36 ; XXIV. 1-2. 1907-1908. Amherst College. Catalogue. 1906-1907 ; 1007-1908. Amsterdam. — Kon. Akademie van Wetenschappen. Jaarboek. 1906. Proceedings. Section of sciences. Vol. IX. 1-2. 1907. Verliandelingen. Afdeel. Natuurkunde. Sectie I, Deel IX. 4 ; Sectie II, Deel XIII. 1-3. 1907. Verslagen van de gewone vergaderingen van de wis- en natuurkundige afdeeling. Deel XV. 1-2. 1907. Annalen der Hydrographie und Maritimen Meteor ologie: Zeitschrift filr Seefahrt und Meereskunde. Bd. XXIX-XXXVI. 3. 1901-1908. Augsburg. — Naturwissenschaftlicher Verein filr Schwahen und Neuiurg. Bericht. XXXVII. 1906. Basel. — Naturforschende Oesellschaft. Verhandlungen. Bd. XIX. 1-2. 1907. Batavia. — Kon. Nattiurkundige Vereeniging in NederlandscJi-Indie. Natuurkundige tijdsschrift, Deel LXVI. 1907. R. Magnetical and Meteorological Observatory. Observations. Vol. XXVIII and Appendices II-III. 1905. Regenswaarnemingen in Nederlandsch-Indie. Jaarg. XXVII-XXVIII. 1905-1906. Bergen. — Museum. Aarbog. 1906, I-III ; 1907, I. Aarsberetning. 1906. Account of the Crustacea of Norway. By G. O. Sars. Vol. V. 13-16. 1906. Meeresfauna.von Bergen, Appellof. H. 2-3. viii Additions to the Library. Berlin. — Kon. Museum fiir 'Saturkunde. Bericht. 1906. Mittelhingcn aus der zoologischen Sammlung. Bd. III. 3. 1907. Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum of Polynesian Ethnology and Natural History, Honolnln, S. I. Occasional Papers. Vol. II. 5 ; III. 1. 1906-1907. Bolivia. — Ministeno de Colonizaci6n y Agriculturn. Revista. Ano III. Tomo III. 23. 1907. Bologna. — R. Accademia dclle Scienze dell'Istituto di Bologna. Meraorie. Classo di Scionze Morali. Sezione di Sclonzo Ciuridicho Ser. I. Tomo I. Fasc. I. 1906-1907. Sezione di Scienze Storico-Pilologiche. Ser. I. Tomo I. Fasc. I. 1906-1907. Rendiconto. N. S. Vol. IX-X. 1904-1906. Classe di Scienze Morali. Ser. I. Tomo I. Fasc. I. 1908. Bombay. — Bombay Branch o/ the Jioyal Asiatic Society. Journal. No. LXI-LXII. 1906-1907. Bonn. — Naturhistorischer Verein der preussischen Rheinlandi . Wrstfalcns und des Regierungs-Bezirks Osnahriick. Sitzimgsberichte der niederrheinischen Gesellschaft fiir Xniur- nnd Ilcil- kunde. 1905. 2-1907. 1. Verhandlungen. LXII. 2-LXIV. 1. 1905-1907. Bordeaux. — Commission M6teorologique de la Oironde. Observations pluviometriques et thermometriques. .Jnin. I'.tO.j a niai. 1906. Socictv des Sciences Physiques et Natnrelles. Cinqiiantenaire. Jan. 15-16, 1906. Procfes-verbaux. Annee. 1905-1906. Boston. — Museum of Fine Arts. Annual report. 31st-32d. 1906-1907. Bulletin. No. 24-31. Feb. 1907-Feb. 1908. Society of Natural History. Proceedings. Vol. XXXIII. 4-XXXIV. 1. 1907. Bremen. — Meteorologisches Ohservatorium. Deutsches meteorologisches Jahrbuch. Jahrg. XVII. 1906. Naturwissenschaftlicher Verein. Abhandlungen. Bd. XIX. 1. 1907. Breslau. — Schlesische Gesellschaft fiir vatcrldndische Cultur. .Tahres-Bericht. LXXXIV and Ergilnzungsheft. 1900. Brooklyn. — Museum of the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences. Science bulletin. Vol. I. 10-13. 1907-1908. BRtJNN. — Naturforschcnder Verein. Bericht der meteorologischen Commission. XXIV. 1906. Verhandlungen. Vol. XLIV. 1905. Bruxelles. — Acadimie Royale des Sciences, des Lcttrrs et des Beaux-Arts de Bclgique. Bulletins. Classe des sciences. 1906. 5-1907. 8. Annuaire. LXIII. 1907. M6moires de la classe des sciences. 2e Ser. Tome I. Fasc. III-VIII ; Tomo II. Fasc. I-II. MusCe Royal d'Histoire Naturclle de Bvl<)ii!itd (Arthur). A plan for the study of man. Itudzki (M. P.). Ueber die Ticfe des Herdes des calabrischen Erdlebens vom 8. Sept.. 1905. Cracovie. 1907. (Extrait dii P.ull. Acad. d. Sciences, Classe Math. .. .Jan., 1907.) From the K. K. Sternwarte, Kr&kau. Stroobant (P.), Delvosal (J.),- and others. Les oliservatoires astronomiques et les astronomos. Bruxelles. 1907. Wellcome's photographic exposure record and diary, 1907. New York. 1907. From Messrs. Burroughs, Wellcome & Co. Zawodny (.T.). Ein Beispiel altromischer Pietas. Wien. 19(t7. (Separat-Abdruck aus dem "Katholischen Schulfreund.") TRANSACTIONS OFJIIF. CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF AFiTS ANi> StlfeNCES lNCOUlH)UATFa A I), Ti VOLUME XIII. PP. 1-46 MAY. 1907 Publications of Yale University THE EFFECT OF DIET ON ENDURANCE BASED ON AN EXPERIMENT, IN THOROUGH MASTICATION, , WITH NINE HEALTHY STUDENTS AT YALE UNIVERSITY, JANUARY TO JUNE, 1906 BY IRVING FISHER, Ph.D. Professor of Political Econohiv at Yale University NEW HAVEN. CONNECTICUT 1907 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR PRESS ^"^ I 19(^7 I. — The Effect of Diet on Endurance, Based on an Experi- ment WITH Nine Healthy Students at Yale University. January-June, 1906. Introduction. There appears to be very little literature on the subject of endur- ance. Since the eiDOch-making work of Mosso, much has been written on fatigue, and many varieties of ergographs have been constructed to record muscular fatigue ; but no systematic study of endurance as such a^jpears to have been made. Even the concept of endurance, as related to strength and fatigue, has been lacking. No corre- lations have been worked out between endurance and the factors upon which it depends, excejDt that it has been a matter of common experience that endurance increases with exercise. In respect to diet, opinions as to its relation to endurance, so far as the writer knows, have rested on no better foundation than the personal impressions of adherents of special dietary systems, such as those of Salisbury, Dewey, Haig, Kellogg, and Fletcher. In Professor Chittenden's painstaking study on " Ph^'siological Economy in Nutrition" he has shown that one result of a gradual and systematic reduction in proteid, from the amount ordinarily consumed, has been an increase in strength, but no data were obtained in respect to endurance. The present experiment had a somewhat accidental origin. I was engaged in collecting statistics of labor-power in relation to various factors, among them especially diet. The data were collected because of their economic beariuQ-s and without anv intention at first of mak- ing independent experiments. But some of my students, whom I had engaged to make computations and diagrams, became interested in the material with which they thus came in contact, and expressed a strong desire to tiy dietetic experiments upon themselves. Not being a physiologist, I asked Professor Chittenden if he could not take charge of these experiments for them. It so haj^pened that on account of other similar work he was unable to do so, but suggested that I should conduct them myself. I have done so with consider- able hesitation, not being equipped for physiologic studies. I have therefore restricted my attention to the simpler practical aspects of the problem, although some of the technical points have been inves- Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 1 May, 1907. 2 IFisher — The Efect of Diet on Endurance. tigated through the very kind cooperation of able colleagues. My thanks are especially due to Professor Chittenden and his co-workers. Professor Mendel and Dr. Underhill, for the aid rendered by the Sheffield Scientific School Laborator}^ in determining the nitrogen excreted, and for much helpful advice and criticism. I wish also to express my obligations to Dr. J. P. C, Foster for his services as medical adviser to the students ; to Dr. W. G. Anderson, Director of the Yale Gymnasium, and his corps of assistants, through whom the endurance tests were conducted ; to Professor Rettger for fecal tests ; and to the subjects of the experiment themselves, Messrs. Bauer, Edwards, Lagerquist, Lawton, Mitke, Parmelee, Reeds, Taylor, and Weyman, whose patient submission to the painful tests of endur- ance was little short of heroic. In January, 1906, the students above mentioned organized them- selves into an eating club. The experiment began with an endurance test on January 14, and consisted of two main parts, each of which lasted about ten weeks. The object of the first half of the experiment was to test the claims which have been made by Mr. Horace Fletcher, as to the effects upon endurance of thorough mastication combined with implicit obedience to appetite. Our conclusion in brief is that Mr. Fletcher's claims, so far as they relate to endurance, are justified. Mr. Fletcher's method may be briefly ' expressed in two rules. 1. Mastication. Thorough mastication of all food up to the point of involuntary swallowing, with the attention directed, how- ever, not on the mechanical act of chewing, but on the tasting and enjoyment of the food ; liquid foods to be sipped and tasted, not drunk down like water. There should be no artificial holding of food in the mouth beyond the time of natural swallowing, even if, as is to be expected at the start, that swallowing is premature. It is not intended to " count the chews," or hold the food forcibly in the front of the mouth, or allow the tongue muscles to become fatigued by any unnatural eft'ort or position, or in any other way to make eating a bore. On the contrary, every such effort distracts one from the natural enjoyment of food. Pawlow has shown that without such attention and enjoyment of the taste of food, the secretion of ' The reader who desires to pursue the subject is referred, as to mastication and instinctive eating, to Higgins, Humaniculture, Stokes, N. Y. , 1906; as to proteid, to Chittenden, Phijsiological Economy in Nutrition, Stokes, 1904; and as to the general subject, to Horace Fletcher, The A. B.-Z. of our oivn Nutri- tion, Stokes, 1903. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 3 gastric juice is lessened. 'The point of involuntary swallowing is thus a variable point, gradually coming later and later as the practice of thorough mastication proceeds, until the result is reached that the food remains in the mouth without effort and becomes practically taste- less. Thus the food, so to speak, swallows itself, and the person eats without thought either of swallowing or of not swallowing it ; swal- lowing is put into the same category of physiological functions as breathing, which ordinarily is involuntary. 2. Eolloioing instinct. Never to eat when not hungry, even if a meal (or more than one, for that matter) is skipped. And when a meal is taken, not to be guided by the quantity of food offered, or by past habit, or by any theories as to the amount of food needed. The natural taste or appetite is alone consulted, and the subject selects, from the food available, only those kinds and amounts which are actually craved by the appetite. After practice, the appetite gradually becomes more definite and discriminating in its indica- tions. These two rules — thorough mastication and implicit obedience to appetite — were alone employed during the ten weeks which con- stituted the first half of the experiment. Shortly after the beginning of the second half of the experiment, there was an interim of six days at Easter recess, during which the few men who remained in New Haven took advantage of the tempo- rary absence of the cook to try the possibilities of living without one entirely. During this brief period use was made not only of raw foods, such as fruits, nuts and milk, but also of foods which could be pur- chased already cooked, such as the flaked breakfast foods. But all the food was cold, and several of the men found it cheerless and xinsatisfactory. Judging from their feelings, they Avere losing in weight and vigor. This part of the experiment was too brief, how- ever, to justify any reliable conclusion as to the virtues of a raw, or rather a cookless, diet. The second half of the experiment lasted about nine weeks. The same two rules which were employed during the first half were continued during the second, but a third rule was added. This was the use of suggestion, as follows : 3. When instinct is in doubt, use reason. — This rule consists of acquiring and applying a little knowledge of foods and food elements. For this purpose, in the present experiment two lists of food were given. One was arranged in a tentative order of intrinsic merit, beginning with, fruits and ending with alcohol, and the other in 4 I'ls/ier — T/ie Ejf'ect of Diet on Endurance. the order of tlie proportion of proteid. The inen were then asked, when and only wlien the a])petite was entirely xc ill in g, to choose the better and puicr foods and the low proteid foods in preference to those high in proteid. In tliis way the men gradually sliifted their diet upward in the two lists, and thereby pursued a little faster the same direction in which they had already been found to be uncon- sciously moving under the influence of thorough mastication and implicit obedience to appetite. It would too greatly lengthen this report if any attempt were made to repeat in detail all the specific advice given to the experimenters under Rule '-i. What has been said covers in a general waj"- all the points except the advice (subject always to the consent of appetite) to eat light and quickly digested suppers in order to go to bed on an empty stomach. Careful record of the amounts of food eaten and the constituents of proteids, fats and carbohydrates was kejjt for each man each day, certain days being omitted if for any reason the record was incom- plete, as when, for instance, the men were out of town or took their meals away from the club.' To avoid weighing at the table, the food was all weighed in the kitchen and served in "standard portions" of 100 calories each, or simj^le fractions or multiples thereof, and the men merely recorded the number of portions eaten. The proportions of proteids, fats and carbohydrates were found by means of the writer's " Mechanical Diet Indicator. " '^ Atwater and Bryant's tables were used as a basis for calculation. For the first few weeks the figures were probably subject to some errors, and in all cases more or less guessing had to be practiced with reference to the amount of lean and fat of meats ; but the influence of any errors on the results must necessarily be small, because meat supplied, at the highest, o\)\y a small fraction of the total calories. It is believed that the results are in general correct to two significant figures. For the first two weeks of the first half of the experiment, the men ate in their ordinary way. During the following eight weeks they masticated moi'e thoroughly and followed the leadings of taste more carefully. Most persons, while nominally following taste, are largely ^ The number of days each week on which the record of diet was kept was sel- dom under six. -For a description of this instrument, seethe writer's "A New Metliod of Indicating Food Values," American Journal of Fhyaioloyy, April, 1906. For a description of its practical uses see "A Graphic Method in Practical Dietetics," Jour, of the Amer. Med. Assoc, Apr. 20, 1907. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on, Endurance. 5 controlled in their selection of foods by many other circumstances, — as, conventionality^ or the desire to eat what others eat and the unwil- lingness to appear "different"; politeness, the desire to please one's host and. hostess \foo(l notions, the opinion that certain foods and cer- tain amounts of food, are " wholesome " even if not palatable and that certain foods should, be avoided as injurious even if delicious to the taste ; narrowness of choice, as at a boarding house table, which often supplies what is not wanted and withholds what is ; and habit, by which the particular kinds and amounts of foods which have become customary thi'ough the previous causes— conventionality, politeness, food notions, and narrowness of choice — are repeated day after day without thought. The subjects of the present study were given a wide range of choice, the menu including fruits, nuts, cereals, puddings and pastry, vegetables, milk, meats, etc. Meat if desired was available three times a day. The object of the experiment was to find what effects on diet and endurance would follow from a strict obedience to the taste-instinct, when this instinct was given a longer chance to act b}^ prolonged mastication and attentive tasting. Each man was therefore encour- aged to choose his own food out of the menu for the day. Nothing was set before him until it was ordered, and even after a food was ordered it was not eaten if taste did not so dictate. The men were specially warned, during the fii'st half of the experiment, against any conscious effort to decrease their food, proteid, or meat ; and while it is possible that subconscious suggestion played a part, so far as could be observed they were freer from its influence than any ordinary experimenter who might take up the same experiment after reading Mr. Fletcher's or Professor Chittenden's books. That this conclusion as to the relative absence of subconscious suw- gestion is correct was evidenced by the experiences both before and after this j^art of the experiment. For a month prior to its actual beginning (Jan. 14), the experiment had been fully decided upon, and its plan and scope understood by the men. Had subconscious suggestion played an important role, it would probably have shown itself in a reduction of proteid during this month ; but determinations of the grams of nitrogen daily excreted in the urine, taken at the beginning and end of this month, indicated no substantial change, as the following table shows. (M. does not appear in this table, owing to the absence of any specimen for December.) 6 Wisher — TJie Effect of Diet on Endurance. TABLE I. B E Lq Lw P R T W Average Middle Dec. 11.2 11.1 13.8 12.3 11.3 13.9 14.2 15.9 13 Middle Jan. 10.4 12.7 14.3 14.3 11.1 14.8 12.2 15.4 13.1 On the otiier hand, during the second half of the experiment (Mar. 28-June 1), wlien tlie force of suggestion was consciously introduced, the reduction of flesh and proteid went on rapidly, as is seen in Table II. The facts, therefore, seem to show that the men followed directions closely, avoiding largely the influence of subconscious sug- gestion and following that of conscious suggestion in e.xact accord- ance with the directions given them. Changes in Diet. During the first two weeks of the first period when no change of habits was undertaken, the food showed little tendency to change in amount or in kinds. On the other hand, for the remaining eight weeks, during which thorough mastication and instinctive eating wei'e practiced, there was a distinct though gradual tendency toward reduction in the amount of food, in the quantity of proteid, in the quantity of flesh foods, and in the quantity of liquids of all kinds — water, tea, coffee, cocoa, and even soup.s. Exact figures were kept for calories, proteid and flesh foods. These showed that the total calories gradually fell about 10^^, the proteids, 15^, and the flesh foods, 40^, In the second period, dui'ing which the force of suggestion to reduce proteid and flesh foods was added, the same effects were noted in a still greater degree. During this period the calories dropped nearh'^ 20^, the proteid over 25^, and the flesh foods about 70^. Comparing the diet at the close of the entire five months of the experiment with the diet at its beginning, it was found that the total calories had fallen about 25^, the proteid about 40,^, and the flesh foods over SO;^, or to about one-sixth of their original amount. A part of the reduction, at least of the calories, is ])robably due to the change in season, as the experiment began in cold weather and closed in hot weather. These results are shown in the following table : Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 1st Period 2iid Period TABLE IL AVERAGE DIETETIC RECORDS OF ENTIRE CLUB Average Calories Daily no. of of proteid "portions" Average ' ' portions " per lb. of of flesh Week weight daily body \vt. • foods f Jan. 17-23 149.8 28.3 2.7 2.4 24-30 30.3 2.6 2.1 31-Feb. 6 27.8 2.5 1.6 Feb. 7-13 27. « 2.4 1.2 14-20 25.8 2.1 .9 21-27 26.4 2.2 1.1 28-Mar. 6 25.3 2.2 1.2 Mar. 7-13 24.6 2.1 1.3 14-20 25.9 2.2 1.1 21-27 148 26.7 2.2 1.4 28-Apr. 3 26.7 2.1 .8 Apr. 4-10 25.7 1.9 .5 11-17- 27.3 1.7 .4 20-26 3 26.1 1.7 .1 27-May 3 25.5 1.9 .5 May 4-10 25.7 1.9 .4 11-17 26.2 1.9 .4 18-24 24.9 1.7 .4 25-31 23.2 1.4 .4 June 144 Remembering that a "portion " is 100 calories, we see that, dui'ing the first four weeks, the men consumed an average of from 2760 to 3030 calories per da}^, of which 120 to 240 were in the flesh foods, such as meats, jioultry, fish and shell-fish, and that 2.4 to 2.7 calories of proteid were ingested for each pound of body-weight. Trans- lating Professor Chittenden's figures for the physiological require- ment of ingested proteid, we find it to be from 1.3 to 1.7 calories per pound of body-weight. Thus the men were at this time consuming nearly double the Chittenden allowance. During the last four weeks of the experiment all these magnitudes were lower. The per capita calories ranged from 2220 to 2620, of which only 40 were in flesh foods, and the proteid had fallen to 1.4 to 1.9 calories per pound of body-weight, which corresponds closely to the Chittenden standai'd. Table II was constructed from the following three tables giving separate data for the individual experimenters. ' This column is calculated throughout on the basis of the body-weights on Jan. 14. -Except E., M. and P. 3 Except E. The last two days of the Easter recess, Apr. 18, 19, are omitted in tables II, III, IV, V. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. TABLE III. DAILY QUANTITIES OF FOOD (in "jDortions" of 100 calories each). Week B E Lq L\v M P R T W Average ' Jan. 19-23 25.4 26.1 22.4 32.6 23.9 27.0 32.0 30.1 29.4 28.3 24-:}0 27.9 29.1 24.3 32.6 26.8 26.2 34.5 37.3 33.9 30.3 31-Feb. 6 26.3 26.4 25.0 29.8 24.4 23.8 30.9 30.8 33.0 27.8 1st ^ Period Feb. 7-13 25.7 27.8 25.7 31.3 22.0 23.2 28.0 32.8 31.6 27.6 14-20 24.0 32.4 24.0 26.1 21.6 20.3 25.1 29.2 29.4 25.8 21-27 23.0 30.9 23.4 28.3 24.5 18.2 26.7 30.3 32.2 26.4 28-Mar. 6 23.3 25.7 23.6 27.4 24.1 18.0 25.4 29.1 30.8 25.3 Mar. 7-13 23.2 23.0 24.5 27.4 26.4 19.2 23.5 23.7 30.1 24.6 14-20 21.9 21.6 24.5 29.1 30.2 20.8 25.0 30.8 28.9 25.9 21-27 21.1 24.2 25.2 31.6 25.9 21.2 26.5 34.4 30.4 26.7 - 28-Apr. 3 22.6 26.3 26.2 27.5 25.2 23.0 26.1 33.5 30.2 26.7 , Apr. 4-10 24.2 24.2 24.6 27.7 22.5 22.5 26.2 30.5 28.7 25.7 11-17 24.0 26.0 24.9 . 29.0 30.4 29.8 27.3 > 3nd Period ' 20-26 26.5 24.1 24.5 23 'd 23.3' 25.5 32.0 29.4 26.12 27-May 3 25.5 22.6 25.4 24.8 24.1 24.4 23.9 29.0 29.8 25.5 May 4-10 23.0 25.5 26.5 24.4 27.1 23.1 26.0 28.7 26.7 25.7 11-17 21.8 19.2 26.5 27.6 24.5 23.8 27.6 30.3 34.2 26.2 18-24 22.7 19.1 23.7 27.8 19.5 25.4 24.6 26.5 35.2 24.9 25-31 19.3 17.2 23.6 27.1 17.8 21.9 24.2 20.3 28.6 22.2 From this table we see that there were wide differences between the men in regard to the change in the quantity of food. During the first period the men who reduced their calorifis conspicuously were B., P. and R., the very men, as Table IX will show, who lost weight during this period. During the second period, reductions were noticeable in E., Lw., M. and T. These, together with B. and P., wei-e the men who lost Aveight during the second period. We see here a distinct correlation between quantity of food and loss of body-weight. TABLE IV. PROTEID (ill calories) PER LB. OF BODY-WEIGHT (Body-weight as taken Jan. 14, 1906) Week B E Lq Lw M P R T W Average 'Jan. 17-23 2.6 2.9 1.8 2.8 2.6 2.8 2.5 .3.3 2.7 2.7 24-30 2.5 2.8 2.2 2.8 2.7 2.5 2.5 3.0 2.8 2.6 31-Feb. 6 2.2 3.1 2.4 2.9 2.5 2.0 2.3 2.7 2.6 2.5 Feb. 7-13 2.1 2.9 2.2 2.6 2.0 2.1 2.0 2.9 2.6 2.4 1st Period ' 14-20 2.0 3.1 1.8 2.0 1.9 1.7 1.8 2.7 2.2 2.1 21-27 1.8 3.2 1.9 2.3 2.0 1.5 1.9 2.8 2.4 2.2 28-Mar. 6 1.8 3.0 1.8 2.3 2.4 1.5 1.8 2.6 2.4 2.2 Mar. 7-13 1.9 2.5 2.0 2.3 2.5 1.7 1.7 2.1 2.6 2.1 14-20 1.9 2.3 1.9 2.5 2.7 1.7 1.9 2.8 2.4 2.2 21-27 1.6 2.6 2.0 2.7 2.4 1.7 1.9 2.7 2.2 2.2 I ^ Not including E., M. and P. 1 << (1 F. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. TABLE lY—Contimied. PROTEID (in calories) PER LB. OF BODY-WEIGHT (Body-weight as taken Jan. 14, 1906) 3nd , Period ' Week B E Lq Lw M P R T W Average f Mar. 28- Apr. 3 1.8 2.6 2.0 3.2 2.2 1.9 1.8 2.7 2.2 2.1 Apr. 4-10 1.5 2.9 1.7 2.0 1.7 1.5 1.8 3.4 1.8 1.9 11-17 1.3 1.8 1.7 1.7 1.9 1.9 1.7 20-36 1.8 1.6 1.6 l'7 1.5 1.5 3.3 1.6 1.7 27-May 3 1.7 3". 5 1.7 1.7 2.0 1.7 1.6 3.2 1.8 .1.9 May 4-10 1.6 3.0 1.9 1.9 3.2 1.4 1.8 2.1 1.5 1.9 11-17 1.6 1.9 1.7 1.9 1.9 1.6 1.9 2.1 2.0 1.9 18-24 1.5 1.8 1.4 1.7 1.8 1.6 1.6 1.7 2.1 1.7 25-31 1.1 1.3 1.5 1.6 1.6 1.3 1.7 1.4 1.5 1.4 We observe from Table IV that the men who reduced their proteid the most during the first period were B., P., R., T. and W, Of these the first thi'ee only lost weight appreciably, and this was partly ascrib- able, as we have seen, to reduction in their calories. Careful examination of the figures would seem to show, however, that there is some correlation between I'eduction of proteid and loss of weight. During the second period there was a decided reduction of proteid in all cases except that of R., who had already brought his proteid down considerably in the first period. E. reduced his proteid, but not until the last three weeks, when he seemed to try to make up for lost time. E., in fact, was the only man in the club, except possibly M. who (through mere inadvertence) did not follow out the rules of the e.xperiment systematically. It need scarcely be said that this is not stated as censure ; for the very fact of the moderation of E.'s and M.'s mastication added to the value of the final comparisons. Even E.'s sudden reduction in proteid at the end was not maintained two weeks afterward, as was shown by the exci'etion of nitrogen in June, given in Table VI. It will be observed that the proteid at the end of the experiment was reduced to a fairly uniform level for all the men. Moreover, the proteid at the end corresponds closely with the results of Professor Chittenden's experiments. This is especially significant in view of the fact that this level was reached unconsciously— for only one of the men, Lq., Avho used the mechanical diet indicator for the entire club, knew regularly the exact character of each man's food propor- tions — and without any food prescription as was employed in the experiments of Professor Chittenden. This means that there is a simple way of reducing proteid to the level of "physiological econ- 10 Fisher— TJie Effect of Diet on Endurance. omy," open to the ordinary man, M-ithout the necessity of special knowledge of foods and without the necessity of weighing and measur- ing food, either by the subject himself or by others. Aside from the changes in proteid, the proportions of food elements did not vary greatly, the percentages of fat and carbohydrate in the total fuel value remaining very nearly constant. At the close of the experiment it Avas found that for all of the men the proteid in propor- tion to the total fuel value was very nearly 10,^, having been reduced from about 14^. This reduction in the percentage of proteid was almost entirely offset by the increase in the percentage of fat, which rose from about 30^ to about 33^ on the average. The percentage of carbohydrate thus remained almost constant. Individual varia- tions were much less than might have been expected. The proteid at the close of the experiment among the different subjects deviated very little from lO^*^ ; the proportion of fat varied from 28 to 36^j and the carbohydrate from 51 to 62^. The results of the experiment may throw some light on the problem of the proper amount of food and food constituents for healthj" men eating in a natural manner. " For the five men, Lq., Lw.j M., R. and W., whose weights showed least tendency to fall and whose average weight at the close of the experiment was 151.4, we find the avei'age total calories were 2620, of which 10.7^ was proteid, 33^ fat, and 56.3,^ carbohydrate. The number of calories agrees closely with the estimates (for sedentary persons) of Atwater and Benedict by means of the calorimeter. TABLE V. QUANTITIES OF FLESH FOODS CONSUMED (meat, fish, shell-fish, poultry) (In "portions" of 100 calories each). 1st Period Week B E Lq Lw M P R T W . Average Jan. 17-23 2.7 2.4 1.5 2.6 2.4 2.6 2.3 2.9 2.1 2.4 1 24-30 2.2 2.2 1.7 2.0 1.8 2.2 2.1 2.1 2.2 2.1 31-Feb. o 1.3 1.9 1.2 2.1 1.6 1.3 2.1 1.9 1.4 1.6 Feb 7-13 1.3 1.6 .9 1.7 .6 1.2 1.5 1.8 1.2 1.2 1 14-20 .1) 2.3 .2 1.1 . i .9 .9 1.6 .5 .9 1 21-27 1.2 2.0 .2 1.6 .6 1.6 2.1 .6 1.1 28-Mar. G .8 2.1 .3 1.5 1.1 1.1 1.6 1.5 .8 1.2 Mar 7-13 .7 1.6 .1 2.4 1.0 1.2 1.9 1.6 .9 1.3 14-20 1.0 1.7 .03 1.9 .9 .7 1.8 1.5 .7 1.1 21-27 1.0 2.5 .0 2.5 1.7 .7 1.2 2.5 .6 1.4 Fisher — 2Vie Effect of Diet on Endurance. 11 TABLE Y —ConliniLed. QUANTITIES OF FLESH FOODS CONSUMED (meat, fish, shell-fish, poultry) (In "portions" of 100 calories each). Week B E Lq Lw M P E T W Aver ' Mar. 38-Apr. 3 .9 1.7 .0 1.7 .6 .8 1.1 .8 .1 .8 Apr. 4-10 .4 1.1 .0 1.0 1.0 .1 .8 .0 .5 11-17 .1 .0 .9 .8 . t .0 .4 2nd 20-26 .0 .0 .1 'i 'o .2 .4 .0 .1 27-May 3 .16 1.2 .0 .6 .8 .2 .9 .5 .0 .5 erioo. May 4-10 .0 .9 .0 .8 .8 .0 .5 .6 .0 .4 11-17 .0 1.2 .0 1** . 1 .8 .0 .4 .3 .0 .4 18-24 .0 1.3 .0 .5 .5 .0 .8 .2 .0 .4 25-31 .0 1.0 .0 1.0 .9 .0 .8 .4 .0 .4 Table V shows that during the first period all except E. and Lw. reduced their consumption of flesh foods considerably. It is note- worth}', as Tables XI-XIII will show, that these two were the men whose improvements in endurance were probably among tlie least during this period. During the second period Lq., W., P. and B. virtually abandoned flesh foods entirely, the " portions " consumed daily averaging nearer zero than .1. These men improved greatly in endurance also. On the other hand, E., Lw., M. and R. reduced their flesh foods the least, and their ranking in respect to increased endurance was in general relatively low. Excretions, Body- Weight, Strength. The following table of nitrogen excreted in the urine is interesting in connection with the preceding table. It will be seen that the reduction in nitrogen daily excreted corresponds in general to the reduction in proteid consumed. TABLE VI. GRAMS OF NITROGEN EXCRETED DAILY. i B E Lq Lw M P R T W Middle Jan. 10.4 First April 6.6 Middle June 6.3 12.7 14.7 13.1 14.3 14.3 9.2 11.1 8.4 8.72 13". 7 11.1 6.3 6.1 14.8 11.6 12.2 12.4 8.8 15.4 9.0 9.4 N. in middle') J"^^ P"" !- .093 kilog. of 1 body-weight J .22 .12 ... .21 .09 — .13 .13 ' Each figure is obtained by averaging 2 or 3 consecutive days' specimens. 2 Jan. 23 and Feb. 10. ] 2 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. This tabic shows that all the men excepting E. and M. greatly reduced their nitrogen excretion during the experiment, and that at the close (with the two exceptions noted) the men were on about the same niti'Ogen level as the subjects of Professor Chittenden's exper- iment, namely, near one-tenth of a gram of nitrogen per kilogram of body-weight. Through the kindness of Professor Benedict of Wesleyan Univer- sity, nitrogen analyses were made in December, 1906, six months after the close of the experiment, to discover to what extent the men had adhered to their newly acquired diet after the eating club in which it had been practiced was disbanded. The results were B. 11.0, Lq. 10.5, Lw. 7.9, M. 9.9, P. 6.8, R. 11.5, T. 11.9, W. 8.9. These show that half of the men had reverted to some extent toward their original diets. The men stale that the reason for this reversion was the difficulty in selecting food differing greatly in kind and amount from that customarilv served at their boarding houses. The following table shows that the volume of urine daily excreted was greatly reduced during the experiment : TABLE VII. VOLUiME OF URINE DAILY EXCRETED (in cubic centimeters) B E Lq Lw M P R T W Middle Jan. 1435 1160 1130 1391 SIT^ 700 1287 1792 1177 First April 630 985 900 1252 629 1025 930 797 Middle Jime 802 1120 822 785 480 .... 696 970 From this table we see a striking reduction in the volume of urine excreted, with the same two notable exceptions, E. and M. These two, who reduced their excretions least, were the men who Avere the least assiduous in observing the rules of the experiment. A careful examination of the feces was made by Professor L. F. Rettger of the Sheffield Scientific School. A summary of his report follows. In it was included a comparative statement for three sets of specimens of two days each, taken in January, March and June, referred to below as series I, II and III. These included data as to the color, odor, quantity, consistency, approximate determination of the number and predominant kinds of bacteria, putrefactive and fermentative properties, and a true microscopic bacterial examination. In brief, to quote from Dr. Rettger's report and letter : ' Jan. 23 and Feb. 10. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 13 " The odor was very slight in almost every specimen in the last series, a marked difference between these and series I and II, particularly I. The average weight is less than in both series I and II (av. wt. of series 1= 137.3 grams; of II — 164.8 grams, and III = 120,4 grams). " The figures indicate considerable difference in the putrefactive and fermentative properties of the three series, and the decrease is progres- sive. In series I the amount of proteid dissolved was much larger than in II and III. . . The specimens [of series III] were more solid generally than in both previous series. I was unable to note any api^reciable difference in the microscopic appearance of the last series as compared with the previous, except that in specimen B of the last series a large number of moulds were present. This has little significance, however." TABLE VIII. FECAL TESTS' Putrefactive Deuree Fermentative Property ■Mid. End Mid. Mid. End Mid. Jan. March June Jan. March June B ? 1 8% + + + + E 30^ 25^ Wc + + + + M mo \% 15$g + + + Lq m% % 50% + + + + Lw 25% ihfo t + + + f P 20;^ 1 1 +, — E 30^ m% t + + + T T 20^ 1 5% ? + + W 30$^ m 5% + + + + We here observe that the degree of putrefaction in the last two tests was usually considei'ably less than its magnitude in the first test. The least change in the feces occurred in the cases of Lq., M, and E., and the greatest changes in P., T. and W. Here again we find some correspondence between the assiduity of the men and the observed physiological changes ; for E. and M. were the least and P. and W. the most careful among the experimenters. A critic has raised the question whether the improvement in the feces indicates lessened absorption of poisons, and whether, if the feces were longer retained, the improvement in their character might not be in consequence of the abstraction from them and absorption ' In the table, " + " signifies the presence and " — " the absence of fermenta- tive property ; " + + " I'epresents a high degree of fermentative property ; " ?" signifies that the putrefactive degree was doubtful, if not absent. f No specimen. 14 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. into the system of a larger amount of poisons. The length of time of retention of the feces was not measured in any way. So far as can be guessed from the impressions of the men, it was not lengthened, cer- tainly not greatly, as in the case of ]Mr. Fletcher. ' As to the sig- nificance of the improvement in feces, Dr. Rettger writes : "The subject of intestinal putrefaction is one of which very little is as yet known. A retention of feces may have the tendency of lowering the amount of putrefactive products. This is due, I believe, to two things : first, an absorption of such products as indol and mercaptan ; and second, an unusual amount of antagonistic action exerted on the evil-producing (putrefactive) bacteria by the ordinary and presumably he]{)ful bactei'ia. Recent work seems strongly to emphasize the latter point. . . There is nothing to show that a small degree of retention would make a very great difference. " The absence of appreciable amounts of putrefactive bodies from feces under the ordinary conditions of peristalsis does, beyond a doubt, indicate a lessened i:)roduction of the products (toxines) ; the system must be the better off on account of this . . . the inter- pretation of the facts must be dealt with rather cautiously." The following table shows the body-weights of the men (after deducting weight of clothing). TABLE IX. BODY-WEIGHTS IN POUNDS (without clothing) B E Lq Lw M P E T W Average Jan. 14 148 127 147 153 141 144 170 lafi 153 149.8 Mar. 28 144 128 147 154 142 136 176 155 151 148 June 16 138 122 146 149 138 131 175 148 149 144 We see that during the first period, the weights, except of P., remained practically stationary, but that in the second period all of the men lost somewhat in weight, though the loss was trifling in most cases. The only substantial losses during the two periods combined were : P. 13 lbs., B. 10 lbs., and T. 8 lbs. Of these it may be said that B. was distinctly over his normal weight at the start. The distinct correlation between the loss of weight and the reduction in food, and to some extent in proteid, has already been noted. P.'s loss is ascribable largely to overstudy. The general slight reduction in weight of the entire club is probably explained in the same way, for all the men, with possibly two exceptions, distinctly overstrained ' See The A. B.-Z. of our own Nutrition. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 15 in their college work. Besides the influence of overwork, there was also present the influence of the season, — at least if the common impression is correct that persons usually lose weight with the approach of warm weather. Gymnasium tests were made at the beginning, middle and end of the experiment. These tests were of two kinds, — tests of strength and tests of endurance. The times of the tests were widely separated, partly because those of endurance were too exhausting to be often repeated, and partly because it was desired to avoid the influence of "practice"; for not only does practice increase strength and en- durance, but it also gives the users of the strength-registering apparatus a facility or "knack" in manipulating it which produces a false appearance of improvement. The dates of the three tests were January 14, a week after the end of the Christmas vacation ; March 28, just before the Easter recess ; and June 10, ' just before the summer vacation. Tests of strength, taken at the beginning, middle and end of the experiment, show the following effects : R. Grip L. Grip i Date Jan. 14 . Mch. 28 ( Jun. 16 ( Jan. 14 - Mch. 28 ( Jun. 16 ( Jan. 14 Back Lift - Mch. 28 / Jun. 16 Leg Lift Total ( Jan. 14 - Mch. 28 ( Jun. ( 16 Jan. 14 Mch. 28 Jun. 16 TABLE X. STRENGTH TESTS (in lbs.) B E Lq Lw M 100 135 95 98 145 93 130 110 100 112 91 130 110 92 105 94 115 82 112 107 82 115 110 100 105 75 115 97 105 105 275 400 280 340 375 260 440 375 380 275 280 300 290 250 330 520 600 370 400 460 515 600 455 450 410 400 545 440 445 400 989 1250 827 950 1087 950 1285 1050 1030 902 846 1090 937 892 940 P R T W Average 95 132 120 125 116 102 127 130 117 113 103 125 121 115 110 82 131 95 127 105 70 115 106 111 102 70 125 98 110 100 250 360 370 365 335 275 390 400 400 355 265 345 330 364 306 320 820 545 635 519 415 865 570 650 548 300 610 520 650 479 747 1443 1130 1252 1075 862 1497 1206 1278 1118 738 1205 1069 1239 995 In this table we see that during the first period there was a slight increase in strength (from an average "total" strength of 1076 to 1118), and during the second period a slight fall to 995, which is about \^io from the mid-year's 1118, and about 8^ from the original ' But May 31 for E., Lw., R. and W., on account of earlier examinations than the others, necessity to leave town, etc. 16 Fisher— The Bfect of Viet on Endurance. 1076. Tlius tlu- strengtli of the men remained nearly stationary throujrhout the experiment. Tlie greatest losses were those of B., E. and R., whose records fell respectively from 989 to 846, 1250 to 1090, and 1443 to 1205. The loss of strength, like the loss of weight, seems most probably exi)lainabk' by the overstudy of the men. This cause was certainly act- ively lit work, and would apply in the case of all of the club with possi- bly two exceptions. Overstudy applied conspicuously to B. and R,, l)Oth of whom not only overworked during the entire period of the experiment, but had, just before coming to the last test, been through the most exhausting and sleep-robbing week of all. There seems, therefore, little reason to ascribe any part of the slight losses of strength to the dietetic experiment itself. This opinion is confirmed by two facts : One is that the man who was least affected dietetically by the experiment was E., one of the three largest losers of strength, while the men who were most affected dietetically were P. and W., neither of whom lost strength perceptibly, in spite of P.'s severe overwork and loss of weight. The other fact is that in Professor Chittenden's experiment, which dietet- ically was very similar, the subjects, who w'ere soldiers and athletes and not subject to pressure of work of any kind, showed large gains in strength. From these two facts we may infer that, so far as the diet is concerned, the effect would be to increase rather than to decrease strength. Changes in Physical Endurance. It is fortunate that the strength of the men remained so nearl}^ stationary ; for it demonstrates the more clearly that the inci'ease in endurance which will be shown below was an increase in endur- ance per se, and not in any degree due to an increase in strength. Strength and endurance are entirely distinct and should be separately measured. The strength of a muscle is measured by the utmost force which it can exert 07ice ; its endurance, by the number of times it can repeat a given exertion well within its strength. After much consideration and consultation it was decided not to. place reliance on the ordinary ergographs as a means of measuring endurance.' Instead, seven simple gymnastic tests of physical endur- ^ The reasons, in brief, were (1) because these ergographs are adapted to testing only a few unimportant, and for the most part unused, muscles ; (3) because, in operating these devices, the subjects do not simulate real work, since the mus- Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. lY ance were employed, and one of mental endurance. The seven phys- ical tests were : (1) Rising on the toes as many times as possible. (2) Deep knee-bending,- or squatting as far as possible and rising to the standing posture, repeating as often as possible. (3) While lying on the back, raising the legs fi'om the floor to a vertical position and lowering them again, repeating to the point of physical exhaustion. (4) Raising a 5-lb. dumb-bell (with the triceps) in each hand from the shoulder up to the highest point above the head, repeating to the point of physical exhaustion. (5) Holding the arms from the sides horizontally for as long a time as possible. (0) Raising a dumb-bell (with the biceps) in one hand from a position in which the arm hangs down, up to the shoulder and lower- ing it again, repeating the motion to the point of physical exhaustion. This test was taken with four successive dumb- bells of decreasing weight, viz., 50, 25, 10 and 5 lbs. respectively. (T) Running on the gymnasium track at a speed to suit the subject, to as great a distance as possible. The mental test consisted of adding specified columns of figures as rapidly as possible, the object being to find out whether the rapidity of performing such work tended to improve during the experiment. From the Avisdom born of experience it may be stated that the •phj^sical tests were too numerous and too severe. But after they cles are placed in an awkward and unnatural position in which " no purchase " is felt ; (3) because experience has shown that subjects waste their effort by expending it not only while raising but while lowering the weight, and that this waste during the period of relaxation varies greatly with different subjects ; (4) because a fixed weight is used instead of a weight proportionate to the different strengths of the various subjects. One might as well attempt to test the walk- ing powers of a woman weighing 100 lbs., as compared with those of a man weigh- ing 200 lbs., by compelling the woman to carry a 100-lb. weight so that she might walk with the same weight as the man. Some of these objections have been met in special instruments, such as that of Prof. W. S. Hall of Northwe.st- ern University. After the experiment was half over, and too late to make use of it, the writer devised an ergograph which, it is believed, meets all of the above objections. He was led to do so by the fact that the tests employed were so frightfully exhausting to the men. A description of the new ergograph will be published later. It is to be employed in further tests. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 2 Mat, 1907. 18 JFisher — llie Effect of B let on Endurance. were once adopted in January, it was necessary in subsequent tests to adhere to them, so far at least as always to begin Avith the same test and follow the same sequence of tests as far as the series was repeated. It is clear that one's ability to succeed in an individual test would dej)end greatly on what and how many tests had immedi- ately preceded ; consequently the only modifications in the January tests which could legitimately be adopted in ]March consisted in omit- ting all tests after the first two or three. These first two or three, being taken under the same conditions as before, reflected correctly any change in endurance so far as those particular tests were con- cerned. At the final series of tests in June, no omissions from the January l^rogram were made ; to save time, however, the last two parts of test 6, together with test 7 (which came at the end for all the men), wers repeated only up to the point at which they had been carried in January, although the men were able in June to carry them much further, and in raanj^ cases did so of their own accord. One man, for instance (W.), who in the run in January was glad to stop at 10 laps, went on in June to 34, running at the same speed until near the end ; and this was done after having more than doubled his former records in almost all of the other tests. The unlooked-for inci'ease in endurance made the June tests much more time-consuming than the tests in January and March. Had the men in June taken test 7, and the two last parts of test 6 up to the same fatigue limit as in January, some of them would have had to remain in the gym- nasium (supperless) until bed time. One of the men, who in January in the last two parts of test 6 raised the 10-lb. dumb-bells 318 times and the 5-lb. dnuib-bells 1,863 times, Avithout doubt could have raised them in June double and probably treble these numbers, but to have done so would have consumed of itself an hour and a half of extra time. In view, therefore, of the only partial repetition of test V and the last two parts of test 6, these records are omitted from Table XI. The first part of test 6 (liftuig the 50-lb. dumb-bell) is also omitted, being given separately below. The following table (XI) shows the results of the three sets of tests in January, March and June.' This table will repay careful study. ^ The order in which the tests were taken was not the same for all of the nine men, owing to the lack of a sufficient number of gymnasium assistants in taking the tests. But care was taken that each man should himself i^reserve the same order in all three series of tests. Thus, for the March series he took the first two Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 19 From it we see that with one exception (E.) all of the men had im- proved in the March and June tests as compared Avith the January tests, and the eight men who did improve showed improvement in ever}^ test, except Lq., Lw. and T., who showed slight falling off in individual cases. As inspection will show, some of the increases are remarkable. The recorded increases in the 60 odd cases were, with a few excep- tions noted below, all true increases and not due to increased effort to break a previous record. In anticipation of such possible effect of ambition, the men were urged in the January tests to the utmost limit they could or would stand. The original intention had been to work each muscle tested until it was physically unable to repeat the motion, but thi§ was not usually found practicable, except in tests 3, 4 and 6, and in some cases 2. In the other tests the will gave out before the muscles. The March and June tests were so managed that when a man had surpassed his January record he was not allowed to pro- ceed beyond the degree of fatigue which he had reached in the first test. This was usually not a difficult matter, as the fatigue in January had been excessive and the men had no desire to suffer again the painful after-effects. Hence, with the exceptions to be noted, the March and June records not only exceeded those of Jan- uary, but were accomplished with much less fatigue. The actual improvement was therefore greater than the recorded improvement. or three tests which he had taken in January. This explains why, in the Mai'ch series, the tests as shown in the tables ai*e not the same for all the men. The order of the January and June tests for the different men is given below. The tests which were taken in March are in italics. B 1 2 3 4 5 E 1 2 3 4 5 Lq 1 2 4 3 5 Lw 1 2 3 4 5 M 1 5 2 3 4 P 3 1 5 2 4 R 1 2 3 4 5 T 1 2 3 4 5 W 3 5 1 2 4 20 Fisher — Th<; Efect of Diet on Endurance. TABLE XI. TESTS OF PHYSICAL ENDURANCE. B E Lq Lw M P R T W ( Rising Jan. 300 1007 333' 69 • 127 1482 702 900 1263 (1)- on Mar. 400'^ 1265' 2620^ 65' 400' .... 831= 1500* .... / Toes June 500- 1061' 3000" 85^ 1500"' 1800= 1263^ ISOO* 3350^ ( Deep Jan. 82 142 70 48 132 208 374 129 404 (2)- Knee Mar. ... ... 191' 47' ( Bending June 200^ 81' 202= 58' loo^ 230= 453' 250* 508* ( T Jan. 25« 52« 9^ 22* 30« 27« 50« 23« 30" (3)-^ 15 ^^' Mar. ... 336 _ 346 406 ( i*ai«i"g Jxane 33" 38 « 20" 35" 31" 37« 103 « 19" 53 « ( 5-lb. Jan. 75 « 138 « 78 « 38 « 51" 44 « 100 « 83 « 185 « (4) -^ Dumb-bell Mar. ... ... 106« ._. ... ... ( (triceps) June 127" 59 « 80" 51" 75" 56" 104" 101" 501" MS MS M S M S MS MS MS MS MS f Holding Jan. 5- 1-33 4- 7 3-37 3-30 5-39 2- 5 3-22 11- (5)^ Arms Mar 5-49 15-35 [-Horizontal Ji;ne 9-36" 2-56' 3-50' 3- 0' 6- 5 10-1* 3-16' 3-24' 23-45' ,«, i T. "'V^ 11 Jan. 50" 18" 16" 6" 20" 11" 10" 25" 54" ] (bice s) ^"""^ 105" 10" 26" 33" 30" 29" 27 » 75 ^ 108 ^ Criticism of Mecords of Physical Endurance. That the fatigue after the March and June tests was in general much less than after the January test was made evident by three substantial proofs. The first was the feelings of the men themselves as recorded in the foot-notes to Table XI. After the March and J une tests, every man of the eight who showed improvement felt " not tired," or " less tired than in January test," which is the same as saying "not exhausted"; or else he had gone " to limit" as in Jan- uary, which means that the muscle itself refused to continue work. The last was usually true of the "leg-raising," "raising 5-lb. dumb- bell (triceps)" and "raising 25-lb. dumb-bell (biceps)". The o\\]y tests in which there was the possibility of being mistaken as to the degree of fatigue were the "rising on toes" and "holding arms horizontal." In the former fatigue comes so slowly, and in the latter the pain is so intense that they prove to be tests of will power or "grit " quite as ^ Cramped. = Not as" tired as in January test. ^ Not to limit. * Not nearly as tired as in January test. * Not tired. " To limit of muscle's eapacity. ' About same fatigue as in January, Fisher — The Fffect of Diet on Endurance. 21 much as of muscle power. In these cases the men had some difficulty in remembering the original degree of fatigue. But the increases were so great and the men were so positive as to their feelings that there remains little room to doubt the substantial correctness of the results. In a few other individual cases, as of Lw. and Lq., whose records in test 1 were sometimes stopped by cramps, there is some room for doubt as to the correctness of the recorded improvement. The second proof that tlie fatigue of the men in the June tests was less than that in the January tests was found in the fact that the stiffness and soreness which followed in June were markedly less than in January and of much shorter duration. This Avas true of all the eight men who showed improvement, except R. The third proof of less fatigue in June than in January for the eight men is that in June the men finished the ordeal of the endurance tests with more strength left than in January, although, as we saw from Table X, they began the two tests with slightly less strength. The fact that they had more strength left after the June test is made evident by the first part of test 6, given below, which in each case came after the endurance tests were nearly or quite finished. This consisted in lifting a 50-lb. dumb-bell. The weight being so great, this was practically a test of strength rather than of endurance. Now all of the eight men who showed improvement in the endurance tests of Table XI, showed improvement in this strength test also, as the following table shows : TABLE XII. LIFTING (by biceps) 50-lb. DUMB-BELL. ^ B E Lq Lw M p R T W Jan. 03 13 13 03 13 03 43 33 133 Jime 13 03 53 83 133 13 10 3 132 26 3 Bnt, as we have seen in Table X, the strength tests taken before the endnrance tests showed a slight falling off in June as compared with Januar}?^ for all but one (Lq.) of these eight men. In other words, in June the men began their endurance tests weaker than in Jan- uary, but finished them stronger. The larger residuum of strength •^ This part of test 6, being one of strength rather than of endnrance, was not included in the endurance Table XI. Had it been included it would have increased even more the percentage of improvement shown, for it shows an average increase from 2.4 to 8.4, or 250^. 2 Not to limit. 3 To limit of muscle's capacity. 22 FtsJier — I'lu Ejf'ect of Diet on Ev durance. left after the June tests as compared with the Janiiar}' tests indicates that the June tests, in si)ite of being far more severe, fatigued the men less. The 50-lb. dumb-bell test resolved the last doubts in my own mind whether, for some of the men, the recorded results might not exag- gerate the true improvement. The two men of whose records I should have felt a little doubt were B. and R. Both of them came to the June test after prolonged mental exertion, and their exhaustion at the end was far more evident than that of any of the others. That it was great is clear from their own statements given below, though onh^ R. reported himself as having been about as stiff and sore after the June as after the January tests. But both B. and R., whereas they had less strength (Table X) before the June endurance tests than before the January tests, had more strength left (Table XII) after the June tests than after the January tests. At the close of the January tests they were so exhausted that B. could not raise the 50-lb. dumb-bell at all and R. could raise it onl}- 4 times. Had their exhaustion after the June tests been as great, it seems certain that B. would still have been unable to raise it, and R, would have been unable to raise it more than 4 times ; but as it was, B. raised it once and R. 10 times. The value of such a positive proof that the June tests were more easily endured than those of January was not perceived until the figures were analj^zed. Had it occurred to me in time, all the strength tests taken before the endurance tests would have been repeated after them. It is true that the strength tests at the beginning were not of the same muscles as those (the biceps) used in the strength test by dumb-bells at the end, but, as Table X shows, the strengths of different muscles for the most part vary in unison wnth each other.' It is significant that the ox^y ^ii^^i whose. strength, as shown by the above table, was less at the close of the June experiuient than at the close of the January experiment was E., who was also the onl^^ man whose endurance showed any reduction. The facts, therefore, in his case are not discordant with those already stated ; for, as has been stated, E.was the least assiduous in following the experiment. This was ' Out of the 108 comparisons of strength (i. e. , comparisons for each of nine men in each of four tests for January vs. March, March vs. June, and January vs. June), only 20 are discordant with the general trend as shown by the totals. Thus, for B. the general trend between March and June as shown by the total was downward, and this downward trend is found in all but one of his four tests the discordant case being the "back lift." .Fisher — 71ie Effect of Diet on Endurance. 23 often remarked, both to him and to me, by the other members of the club, and it was suggested more than once that I should "nudge" liim. But, as I had been desiring a "control," or a subject in wliich all the conditions except mastication were the same as for the other men, I decided to say nothing. The result was instructive, for E.'s case stood out as exceptional in almost all respects. His reduction in quantity of food (Table III), except for a spurt at the end, was less than of most of the men ; his reduction in proteid (Table IV), with the same exception, was the least of all ; his reduction in <,uantity of flesh foods (Table V) was the least of all ; his nitrogen in June (Table VI) was one of the highest ; his reduction in volume of urine (Table VII) was one of the lowest two ; his improvement in the fecal tests (Table VIII) was third to lowest ; his loss of strength (Table X) was second greatest ; and as to endurance, he was the only one who failed to show improvement. There was only one other man, M., who was thought, though in a smaller degree, to masticate less carefully than the experiment called for ; and for him we find corresponding peculiarities, though in a smaller degree. Thus, his reduction in total daily food (Table III) was less than of most of the men ; his reduction in proteid (Table IV) was less than the average reduction ; his reduction in flesh foods (Table V) was the third smallest ; his June nitrogen was the highest (Table VI) ; his reduction in quantity of urine (Table VIl) was one of the lowest two ; his improvement in fecal test (Table VIII) was second to lowest ; his loss of strength (Table X) was the third greatest (or fourth, if measured in percentage) ; and his increase in endurance, though great, was (except in test 1, which is subject to some doubt) less than the average. The shortcomings of these two men, E. and M., as to mastication were not intentional, but due to carelessness and force of habit, as well as, in the case of M., to the fact that he waited on table and felt naturally more pressed for time. Their experience is valuable in showing that, in a general way, the changes in diet and endurance were proportionate to the thoroughness of mastication and the follow- ing of natural appetite. The men kept diaries in which are recorded their sufferings after the various tests. These show a decided lessening in stiffness and sore- ness in the later tests, though in the June tests the men had generally done double the amount of work that they had done in January. It would have been a physical impossibility to do as much in January as was easily accomplished in June in tests 3, 4 and 6 ; and granted 24 Fisher — Tlie Ejfect of Diet on Endurance. that it had been even possible in January to goad the men to do as much in tests 1, 2 and 5 as they did without urging in June, they must certainly have been ill. The following are statements from the men themselves : Personal Impressions at end of Experiment. (B) I was -"e?7/ sore [after the June test, Saturday, June 16, 1906]' However, 1 think the soreness was not so severe or lasting as it was after the January test. The muscles of my right arm were swollen considerably and I Avas unable to straighten it for two or three days. But the swelling was not so severe as it was after the earlier test and the arm was much more usable. The muscles of the thighs were the sorest ; they were nearly worn out. During Sunday, Monday and Tuesday after the test I had difficulty in walking ; and going down stairs Avas quite a difficult and severe undertaking. Wednesday morning the soreness had not left, though it had de- creased considerably. I took a considerable tramp that day, and by night I coidd scarcely feel the soreness at all. By Thursday I had practically regained my normal endurance ; walked six or seven miles that day. The calf-muscles too Avere quite sore, but much less so than after the January test. There was another particular dis- tinction. After the earlier test the calf-muscles were hard and knotted for several days ; but this time, Avhile they were sore, they Avere almost normally soft. Saturday evening Avhen I Avent to bed they Avere quite hard, but Sunday morning they AA'ere normal and practically remained so. . . . I have no doubt that in my case there Avas great increase in endurance, though I think that I lost in amount of energy that I could exert at any given moment. This loss is due perhaps to two things ; (1) I took, on the Avhole, less exercise than during the time preceding the January test ; (2) I had been working quite hard for three months steadily, Avhile the January test followed a three weeks' vacation during which I did little or nothing. As to increase of endurance there can be no doubt. ' For example, in the deep knee- bending, I began to get tired at 50 and had no idea of going above 100. When I reached this I set my goal at 125, then 150, 160, and was able to reach 200 before I was exhausted. In January', after I Avas tired I Avas not able to go on very long before I became com- pletely exhausted. This shows increased endurance. I had the same experience in the other hard physical tests. In case of the run, I Avas sure I could not go more than three laps after my iirst lap ; Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 25 but I made 11 or 12 and could have ifone several more. Considerinsr everything, I have no doubt that I was able to hang on much longer, after I began to get tired, ihan in January. I am at a loss to ascribe the increased endurance to anything else than to the diet. M}'- way of living otherwise continued about the same after the Januar^^ test as it was before. . . . Personally I am convinced that the increased endurance must be due to diet and manner of eating ; all other factors that I can think of are unfavor- able rather than favorable to. more endurance. I am convinced to the extent that I shall certainlv continue " Fletcherizing" and usino- a low-proteid diet. (E) All effects of [June] test disappeared entirely Avithin four days. [Effects of January test lasted six days.] (Lq) The stiffness and soreness had entirely disappeared in four days. It was not nearly so severe as the test in January. After I was through in January I could hardly go down the stairs of the Gymnasium, and three days after the test going up and down stairs was accompanied with a great deal of pain. ... I was stupid mentally for a whole week the first time, but in the last test I passed that stage in a couple of days. . . . Had it not been for the late hours and long stretches of work, I should have been able to make a better comparison Avitli conditions in January, though as it was results show improvement. . . . I cannot say as to the help mentally I have derived, for I have, always gone to my limit and I would be unwilling to make any posi- tive statement. As for the physical, I know there is an improve- ment there, for my stomach, which was never so very strong, has been gi-eatly helped. (Lw) There was no stiffness or soreness felt in the triceps or the stomach muscles as the result of the last tests. The thieh muscles were a little stiff on the second day only — about such stiffness as one might expect from a long walk. The calves of my legs began to stiffen on Friday [June 15, 1906, the day after the test] and continued to do so on Saturda}', after which the stiffening began to lessen, and was scarcely felt on Monday. The biceps of my right arm gave me the most trouble. These were sore on Frida}' A. M. and continued to increase in soreness till Sunday evening, feeling Avorst, however, Sunday A. M. When I arose Mondav A. M. all the soreness and stiffness had disappeared. A peculiarity about the latter whicli im- pressed me was the fact that although my arm was very sore it did not seem to be v^ry stiff. After the tests in January I could not 26 Fisher — The Ejfect of Diet on End urn nee. straighten my arm, Imt I could after the last tests in spite of the extreme soreness. I had entirel}' recovered by Monday from the tests. At no time after the tests did I feel any pain in proceeding up and down stairs, and if I remember rightly I couldn't sa}' the same in January; neither did I feel particularly uncomfortable at any time. After the half-mile run and the lifting tests which I took later, I felt no soreness or stiffness afterward. I think the credit must be given to the diet experiment. I have worked harder from January to June than ever before, and have taken less exercise. As my mental work was so different from that previous,' I cannot form an estimate of an}- increase or decrease in efficiency, but as I have said before, I always rested up more quickh\ During tlie spring I have not felt that "all gone feeling" which usually has ap])eared in the past. The diet which we have had has relieved me of the sour stomach after meals, and I have felt better and worked harder on less exercise than ever before. . . . After a moderate amount of exercise, I have felt no such stiffness as used to come. (M) The stift'ness and soreness were entirely worn off in two days. I did not feel it nearly as much as I did last January. In fact, I did not exert myself to the utmost this last time because I had sev- eral examinations to take a dav or two later. My general impression is that the experiment was an all around benefit to me. I fully believe that during the tests, they reflected the true state of the case in showing my efficiency in June compared with that in January, I believe that there was a decided improve- ment in efficienc}^ and could ascribe it partly to my exercise and the other part to the new manner of eating, I believe, however, that my exercise played a ver^' small part because I think what I gained in exercise I lost in sickness [mumps], ^\x exercise this year was practically the same as years preceding. After April 1st I had very little exercise, on account of the mumps. This left me in a weak condition over a month, I had lots of woi"k . to make up and studied harder from April to June than anv other ]»eriod of my course. My exercise was neglected these three months and I studied almost constanth' every day and until 12 at night. My experience has shown me that I was at my best in mind and body when I ate meat four times a week. I have tried both more and less and found the above to be the medium. I also found that I could do more when I had the largest meal at noon. The greatest benefit of the experiment to me ])ersonally is that last year I broke down in the spring term and this spring I kept up my work and health in a much better condition. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 27 (1*) I went into the second test witli some trepidation, knowing tliat I had lost considerable weight the preceding ten weeks. Physicall}', I cannot say that I felt stronger before the second test than before the first ; nor did I feel weaker. As the test developed, however, I soon saw that my endurance, both mental and physical, had increased. Generally speaking, the soreness was less extensive, less trying or acute, and (I think) shorter-lived than in Januar}'. ... It seems to rae, as 1 finished the test much fresher than in January, a clear gain in efficiency is proven. The test seemed certainly to make a true report. . . I can ascribe gain in endurance to nothing but the diet and thor- ough mastication. Every other factor in the situation was against this gain — exercise, of which T took certainly no more than usual and in the latter weeks much less ; work, of which I had had a long, hard pull as against the three weeks' rest preceding the January test ; sleep, much decreased for most of May and June. You stated last December that you wished ever}^ factor to be in favor of the first test and against the second. This condition has been true in high degree for my case. . . Whatever the efficacy of the two tests in proving the superiority of low proteid and thorough masti- cation for the other members of the club, I feel convinced that they prove that superiority with considerable force in my own case. I have tried meat and chicken a number of times in the last two weeks, partly from curiosity and partly from necessity. But in every case anticipation has been pleasanter than realization, and vlv^ low- proteid tendencies bid fair to remain for some time to come. I may say that I had no opinion on the diet question when the experiment started, but am now a hearty low-proteid exponent. I went into the test with considerable foreboding as to my endur- ance showing ; for I have Avorked now without a break for twenty- two weeks at hard mental labor, the last two weeks being especially confining and involving large losses of sleep and exercise. I may say that I have been unusually well for six or eight weeks, and bowels have been running with greater ease and constancy than for several years, . . The end iirance-tests, showing a good increase in every test, consequently came as a complete surprise ; and my self-confidence, largely absent at the start, returned in increasing measure as the test went on. . , Thursday, June 21 [5 days after test]. Played golf this morning and afternoon (9 holes each time) with perfect ease, no difficulty 28 Fisher — Jlie Effect of Diet on Endurance. with walking or driving tlic l)all. Soreness wholly gone at present writing, no touch of it noticeable anywhere. (R) The outcome of the last endurance test was about the same as the one held January 14, 1906. I was feai'fully sore for about one week, reaching the climax at the middle of the week. (T) '{''hroughout the test I passed from one event to another with much shorter periods between than I did in January. With the exception of lying on my back and raising my feet, I at no time ap- proached as near exhaustion as I did in Januar3% In Januar}^, in rising on my toes and in the deep knee-bending, I continued till I fell to the floor. I was not exhausted at the close [of the June test], but marked papers for 2^ hours before going to bed. Sunday I scarcely felt anj^ the worse, though my muscles felt a little queer when I poked my finger into them. Monday m^^ leg muscles were a little stiff after a period of rest, but not painful in the least. My right shoulder was a trifle lame, due wholly I think to hitting it once in a while in the last test with the 10 and 5;lb. weights. My right arm at the elbow was decidedly lame and would not admit of being completely straightened, though it was undoubtedly better than in January. By Tuesday all the other stiffness had practically left me except the right elbow, which was, however, better. By Thursday I was unable to detect any soreness whatever in any part. (W) May 31. After the test I felt fairly tired and ready to quit — however, not nearly so exhausted as before in January. Could walk down stairs with more confidence and could raise my supper to my mouth much more easily than after the first test. . . . The results certainly far surpassed any expectation I had, especially as in the morning I did not feel quite as spry and active as usual, due to a little unusual over-exertion the previous day. June 1. Sore in thighs and biceps, also felt my abdominal muscles. June 2. Expected to be much worse on this the second daj^, as in January, but not so. About same as yesterday. Later in the day could run up-stairs two steps at a time as I could yesterday— a thing undreamed of in January for over a week after the test. June 3. Felt pretty well today, much improved over yesterday, still felt my thighs in walking down hill or down stairs, but not nearly as bad as yesterday. June 4. Feel my thighs only very little, other muscles not felt at all. Rode a bic^^cle 5^ miles ; did not feel it. •Tune 5. Seem to be all well, haven't noticed a soreness all day. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 29 The following table expresses the percentage of improvement in the records of Table XI. TABLE XIII. IMPROVEMENT IN PHYSICAL ENDURANCE IN PERCENTAGES. \ B E Lq Lw M P R T W ]Jau. -Mar. -June 144 + -43 ± 172 ± 188 + -2 + 21 + "17 + "16 + '21 + "94 + "26 + ..T, S Jan. -Mar. -June '33 -37 122- 50 59 "•"3 26 37 106 -17 33 77 iA\ i Jan. ^^^ ^Jau. -Mar. -June "69 -57 36 2 "34 '47 "27 '"4 "33 170 .-, \ Jan. '•'^ iJan. -Mar. -June '92- "89 ± "-7± -17 + 66 + 74 + "77 + "56 + "'i± 43 + 115 + (6) \ Jan. -June 110 -44 62 450 50 163 170 200 100 + A i Jan. ^^- ] Jan. -Mar. -June 33 + 85 ± 26 ± -13± 298 + 194± 14 + 95 + 140 + 312 + 26 56 + 18 + 73 + 66 + 66 + 37 + 109 + In the preceding table most of the figures are succeeded by a " + ", which signifies that the true improvement was greater than the figures indicate. Thus, the first entry in Table XIII, " 33 + ", means that B.'s improvement between January and March in test (I) (rising on toes) was more than 33^. Similai'ly, "686- "for Lq. in same test means that improvement was less than 686,'^. Again, "215+ "for M.'s same test signifies that his improvement in this test may have been greater or less than 215^. Finally, when any figure is not followed by a sign, as for instance, B.'s (3) (leg raising), the meaning is that the figure given is, humanly speaking, correct. This accuracy applies only to those tests in which the muscles were worked till they were physicalh'" unable to repeat the movement. The reasons for the various suflixes may be found by studying the foot-notes of Table XI.' ^ For instance the " + " after 33 for B.'s (1) is explained by the fact (as indi- cated in the foot-note to Table XI) that after his March test he was not as fatigued as after his January test, although he had improved upon his January record by 33^. The only cases in which the explanation of the suffixes will not be found from the foot-notes to Table XI are the following: E.'s (1), 36 + , in which case the " — " is inserted owing to the fact that E. had come to the March test after the refreshment of a nap ; and M.'s (1), 1081 + , in which case the " — " is inserted owing to the fact that this high figure is inconsistent with the other results of the test, it being thought that M. may have been mistaken in his 30 Fisher — 7^7/6 Effect of Diet on Endurance. The t:il)k' .shows enormous differences in the figures even of the same man for the same period. Tlius, the June improvement of \V. reads 165 +, 20 4- , 77, 17o, 11 5 ±, 100 + . Such wide differences between the improvements in different tests seem puzzling at first, but they are explained, partly if not wholly, by two reasons. The first is the obvious one that many of the figures are not exact records, but understatements, and naturally their margin within the truth will vary widely. Thus, the records for deep knee-bending (2) for W. show merely that the improvement is ooer 26^c ; the true figure may well be 100^, which would be more consistent with the other figures. But the deep knee-bending test had been found in January very painful and inconvenient in its after-effects, and there was there- fore less inclination in the June tests to approach closely to the limit in this particular test. The other reason is that in some tests a larger fraction of the total strength of the muscle tested was called into play than in others. Thus, "leg raising" requires a very large fraction of the strength of the abdominal muscles, while "rising on toes" requires only a small fraction of the strength of the calf muscles. This may explain why, in general, the improvement in the test of the calf muscles seemed so much greater than in that of the abdominal muscles. This expla- nation is, however, purely hypothetical. It would be interesting to find out experimentall}^ how much an improvement in the endurance of a muscle shows itself when it is exerted in different degrees, sa}' to Ibfc, oOfi and 25^ of its strength-capacity.' Bearing in mind these two possible reasons for the variations in the figures, and also the fact that there must have been more or less actual differences in the improvement of different muscles, we need not be surprised at the disparities which the table shows. If we omit the cases in which the records are at all doubtful (with suffix ±) or exaggerated (suffix — ), we have left the following table for the eight men who showed improvement : remembrance of his January test. The " — " has been inserted whenever there was the slightest groimd of any kind for thinking the figures might be overstate- ments. With these figures weeded out, the remaining ones certainly understate the actual improvement. ' The original object of using the graded dnmb-bells, oO-lb., 25-lb., 10-lb., and 5-lb. , for testing the biceps, was to throw light on this problem ; bnt for reasons previously stated, these tests were not fully carried ont. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 31 TABLE XIV. PERCENTAGE OF IMPEOVEMENT (exact or understated) OF EIGHT MEN. B Lq Lw M P R T W (1) Jan. -Mar. Jan. -June ;53 + 66 + ..- ..- ... '21 + 18 + 79 + 66 + 100 + 165 + (2) / Jan. -Mar. t Jan. -June 144 + 188 + --- "17 + "10 + ... '94 + '26 + (3) \ Jan. -Mar. ( Jan. -June ':'52 --- 50 59 "3 26 37 106 -17 33 77 (4) \ Jan. -Mar. ( Jan. -June '69 36 3 '34 '47 "27 ""4 '22 170 (•5) j Jan. -Mar. / Jan. -June --- --- --- --- 77 + ... ..- ... (6) -[ Jan. -June no 62 450 50 163 170 200 100 + Av. j Jan. -Mar. ] Jan. -June 33 + 84 + 36 84 + 50 181 "29 + 26 56 + 18 + 89 + 66 + 80 + 33 107 + The figures of Table XIV show an imdoubted increase in endur- ance, both for the first half and more especially for the Avhole period of the experiment. But, for an accurate presentation, we ma^^ carr}^ our criticism one stage further. The figures given hitherto represent a conglomerate sort of endurance, made up of endurance of different muscles subject to different degrees of strain. As pointed out before, the calf mus- cles were called upon for only a small fraction of their strength- capacit}^ whereas the abdominal muscles were called upon for a very large fraction. Moreover, the fraction must have varied somewhat in different tests, according lo the variation in strength and. weight. An ideal test would be one in which the same fraction of strength, was used. ' Fortunately, such an exact test is afforded by the 25-lb. dumb- bell. It followed immediatelv after the 50-lb. dumb-bell had been I'aised until the biceps was unable to repeat the motion. At the moment the 50-lb. test ended, the 25-lb. test began. At this moment the strength of the biceps was just at or barely below the fifty lbs. required to raise the heavier dumb-bell. In other words, in raising the 25-lb. dumb-bell the muscle needed just fifty per cent, of its strength at the time the test began. The use of the 25-lb. dumb-bell grad- ually reduced this strength from 50 to 25 lbs. The test was there- ^ It is on this principle that the new ergograph, before referred to, is con- structed. 32 J'lxlier — Tlie Effect of Diet on Endurance. fore j)t'ifectly uniform for all the men ; it showed how many con- tractions were necessary in each case to bring down the strength of the biceps from 50 to 25 ; it showed how much the muscle could endure before being robbed, by fatigue, of half its strength. Thus at the beginning the strength is 50 lbs.; after the first contraction it is, say, 49 ; after the second, 48, etc. But the contractions continue until the strength sinks below 25 lbs. The loss of strength may be said to measure fatigue. The sloioness of this loss may be said to measure endurance and is well indicated by the number of contractions necessary to tire a muscle from a strength of 50 lbs. to a strength of 25 lbs. Four exceptions, however, need to be noted. Three men, B., Lw. And P., wei'e unable in January to raise the 50-lb. dumb-bell at all (see Table XII). Consequently their January test with the 25-lb, dumb-bell did not begin at 50^ of the strength, but at a higher frac- tion. This explains their high apparent improvement. Thus, Lw. is credited Avith an im])rovement of 450fc, because in January he could raise the 25-lb. dumb-bell only 6 times, and in June, 33 times. But the 33 contractions in June began at just 50^^^ of the strength of the muscle, owing to its pi"evious exhaustion to the 50-lb. level by the 50-lb. dumb-bell, whereas the six contractions in January besfan at a higher level; for at that time the biceps could not raise the 50-lb. dumb-bell at all. Its strength was at that time less than 50 lbs., say 40 lbs., in which case the lifting of the 25-lb. dumb-bell required not 50^^^ but Q2^'fc of its strength. To compare a 50^ test of June with a 62^^ test in January gives a record of improvement which is not one of pure endurance, but which includes the element of increased strength. This is " endurance " in the crude sense in which we may say a man has more endurance for carrying trunks than a boy ; but for a comparison of pure endurance, the boy should be given smaller trunks to handle than the man. The fourth case is E., to whom the reverse reasoning applies. In June when he reached test 6, he was unable to raise the 50-lb. dumb- bell at all, though in January he had raised it once. Hence, while the 25-lb. dumb-bell was a 50^ test in January, it was a more severe one in June, and the -44,^^ which records his falling off does not represent a pure loss in endurance, but partly also a loss of strength. To reckon /?w/-e endurance we need to bring -44 up toward zero. Making the four omissions just mentioned, we may use the remain- ing records from the last line of Table XIII, as a barometer of 2>ure endurance. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 33 We therefore have three methods of estimating the increase of endurance between January and June. These may be put tosfether in the following table : TABLE XV. PERCENTAGE OF INCREASE OF ENDURANCE, JANUARY TO JUNE. BY THREE METHODS. B E Lq Lw M P R T W Vtest? \ ^^± ~^'^± 1^^± ^^± ^l'^± ^^+ "^'^i 66 ± 109 ± Omittins; ) doiibtful )■ 84+ -.. 84+181 29+ 56+89+ 80+ 107 + cases " + " ) "Pure" ) endurance - --- --- 62 ... 50 ... 170 200 100 + of biceps ) The first line of this table tells us the averao-e of the recorded im- provement in endurance shown for each man. But as each such aver- age is made up from the figures of Table XIII, some of which, as indicated in that table, are possibly too high, some doubt necessai'ily attaches to it, though practically the only real cases of doubt are Lq. and M. The average of these averages is 101^ for the entire club, and is probably within the truth ; for most of the individual figures which go to make up this result are understatements, not overstatements. The second line shows the average improvement in tests in which there is no doubt that the figure is at least not too high, though it may be too low. The avei'age of these is 89^, and is therefore cer- tainly too low an estimate of the average improvement for the eight men who improved at all. The third line shows the increase of pure endurance (that is, en- durance considered apart from strength) for the five men for whom the figures were available. The average of these is 11 Bf,?'. We are quite safe in saying therefore that the average improvement of the eight men who improved was 90^. As to the degree of retro- gression of E., it is diflicult to say, though it is believed that the fig- ures exaggerate it. This is certainly true of the 25-lb. dumb-bell test, for reasons given. My own impression, and E.'s also, is that he actually gained in endurance from the dietetic experiment, but that his gain was not enough to offset the loss occasioned by (1) the hard term's work, which, as in the case of the other men, was a decided handicap, and (2) the omission of his customary exercises, which must have Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 3 May, 1907. 34 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. been a greater handicap in bis ease tlian in any other of tlie men ; for lie liad been accustomed for six years to heavy gymnasium train- ing, but during tlie year of the experiment this training was given up, largely because of the difficulty in findiijg time for it. If this interpretation is correct, we may liken the experiment to nine men try- ing to swim against a current. The eight who exerted themselves the most succeeded in forging ahead ; the one Avho tried the least drifted backward, though the effect of the swimming (dieting) was to propel him forward. Whether or not E. was actually propelled for- ward by diet must remain a matter of conjecture or inference ; but that the other eight men gained is an established fact. Changes in Mental Eitlurance. The mental test consisted in adding a specified number of figures. The following tables show the time during which the addition was performed and the number of errors committed : TABLE XVI. TIME OF PERFORMING A UNIFORM AMOUNT OF ADDITION. B E Lq Lw M P R T W Average M S M S M S M S M S MS M S M S M S M S Time ( Jan. 14 5 40 4 49 6 15 4 54 6 46 3 1 7 6 6 41 4 6 5 29 of \ Mar. 28 5 16 4 27 4 35 4 15 5 47 2 43 6 32 7 18 4 34 5 3 adding ( i June 16 4 50 5 9 4 40 4 23 5 50 2 58 7 3 6 5 4 7 5 This shows that during the fii'st period seven had improved and two had fallen off, and on an average there had been a decrease from 5m. 29s. to 5m, 3s., an average improvement of 26s. W. showed an increase in time of adding, although he would naturally have been expected to improve on account of having taken up clerical Avork involving adding. During the second period there was an average improvement of only 3s. ; three retrogressed 15s. to 42s., three retrogressed 3s. to 8s., and three improved 26s. to 73s. The fact that the men held their own in the June adding test is probabl}'^ indicative of actual improve- ment, for they were fatigued mentall}^ by examinations, etc., on the day when they entered the June test. During the entire experiment there was an average improvement of 29s. ; seven had improved and two had retrogressed (Is. and 20s.) 'E., Lw., R. and W. taken on May 31. Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 35 The following table shows that the number of errors committed Avas remarkably constant for most of the men and for the average : TABLE XVII. NUMBER OF ERRORS OF ADDITION. B E Lq Lw M P R T W Average (Jan. 14 10 8 12 4 1 1 2 1 1 4.4 Errors \ Mar. 28 16 5 8 4 3 8 2 I 4. G ( June 16 8 13 5 4 2 16 2 4.5 The adding test Avas too short to be of great value. In future tests a larger number of figures will be employed, and a diiferent method. After the specified amount of adding has been done, it will be at once repeated on another equivalent set of examples. The excess of time required for the second set over that required for the first may be called the " fatigue time," and this fatigue time, taken as a percentage of the total time of adding, may be used as a criterion of endurance— the less it is, the greater the endurance, and vice versa. This j^Ian w^as developed too late to be put into operation at the beginning of the experiment. It Avas, however, employed in the March and June tests, and confirmed the conclusion reached above, that there was little difference between the mental endurance in March and June. Five of the men showed a less "fatigue time " in June than in March, and four a greater. The following statements of the men themselves will show that their feelings as to working power were in harmony with the conclu- sion that it had improved : Subjective Impressions as to 3Iental Working Poioer. B. (March) " Not decreased at any rate, seems to have increased." (June) I did more work during the latter part of year than I ever did before in an equal period of time. But, I had the work to do and compelled myself to do it. However, I was mentally tired at the close of the yeai*, particularly so at the time of the test, for it came after the siege of exams for Avhich I did m}'^ own work besides a couple of days of hard tutoring. This much, at any rate, is positive : There was no decrease of mental power resulting from the experiment. I was no more tired at the close of last year than I was at the close of the year before. After a week's rest I felt quite normal and then did considerable mental Avork all summer. 36 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endarance. E. (March) " Working power improved. Can concentrate atten- tion for a lonsjer time." (June) " I accomplished a greater amount of mental woi'k than in previous years during the corresponding period of the col- lege year. I do not think that my feeling of fitness for it was any greater, however, and I cannot say that my experi- ence of fatigue after the work was any less. I learned to eat slower than liad been my custom dui'ing previous years. Though not subject to indigestion, I experienced less stomach disorders during the period of the experiment." Lq. (March) " I have put in more long hours during this term than any previous term, consequently have had a good deal less sleep. I do not know that I can work any better, except that I can work a longer period at one time without feeling so tired from it." (June) " Of course a great deal of the extra Avork was outside work which was an extra tax. I, however, did a great deal more work on papers that I i:)repared than I ever had before. Although I spent longer hours than before I did not feel the effect of the work so much as before." Lw. (March) " Have been working harder during the past four months and have taken less exercise than at any other equal period during past 2|^ years. The character of the work has been so different that I am unable to say whether there is an}"" increase in working power, but I find that I rest up very quickly after becoming tired (mentally). " When March tests were taken I did not feel as 'fit' for test on that particular day as at time of January tests. Had been ' working hard and had been under nervous strain, which un- doubtedly affected the tests." (June) " I have Avorked harder from January to June than ever 'before, and have taken less exercise. As my mental work Avas so different from that previous, I cannot form an estimate of any increase or decrease in efficiency, but as I have said before, I always rested up inore quickly." M. (March) ''I think on the whole a slight improvement." (June) " Do not notice any change." P. (March) " I have never Avorked so steadily, or with so little necessity to exercise the Avill to Avork, as in the central six Aveeks of the test. The Avork I was doing was chieflA' research in the Library, poring for three or four hours at a time over old records — not labor of the most interesting kind." Fisher — I'he Effect of Diet on Endurance. 37 (June) My work from March to June was of a more confining sort than ever before in the spring. From March to tlie Easter recess I was occupied Avith library research ; from Easter on I was engaged on an essay and the marking of some 260 Social Conditions theses. On these last I spent considerably more time and effort than in the preceding year. Thus ray work was harder and more time-filling than usual. I had much less out-door exercise than in- previous springs, and missed that relaxation from efi'ort which all prior springtimes have bred. Yet there was no feeling of overwork, or even of work as a burden, till the first of June. From then on I did feel tired, and examination time found me with a mind very difficult to keep in harness. Undoubtedly I had over-pushed myself, but did not realize it till June. . . R. (March) Felt an increase in efficienc3^ (June) My power for mental work was greater between the March and June tests than between the January and March tests and the latter was greater than before the experiment began in January. I can state without hesitation that my mental working power increased in consequence of " Fletcher- izing." T. (March) Felt that he had at least held his own, but " surprised to find that everj^ one of my tests (physical) had improved." For the first test came after the rest and recreation of the winter holidays when he " Avas in splendid condition. Since then I have- had to work extremely hard with little regular exercise and rarely in bed before about midnight." Surprised also that the mental test showed no improvement, probably because " the confusion around me was considerably greater than in the first test." Can do his ordinary mental work faster than before, though not sure that he can work longer. (June) " I consider I did more work last year during the period of the expei'iment than any other year. During the whole nine months of the college year I was practically working up to my limit of endurance. I did not grow sleepy as early evenings as jarevious years and my attention was not as easily distracted from my work as previous years. " The lack of improvement in the second mental test may have been due largely to the fact that I was mentally fagged out after the examinations and was feeling the need of ray holidavs." 38 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. W. (]\Iarcli) No definite impression either of gain or loss. (June) "On the whole I felt quite as Avorkish as ever I did in the spring months and did not feel the hot days as much of a drag as usual." As to illness, in the course of the experiment there were the usual winter colds, though apparently these were less common than before. One man had grip for a few days, another the mumps, and several had constipation. In general, the men expressed themselves as better than usual and in some cases they were very enthusiastic. None of the ailments suffered by the men were ascribable to the test itself, unless it be a case of what appeared to be slight rheumatic sensations of T,, who had alwaj^s been a heavy meat-eater, and who during the experiment introduced at first much acid fruit. That the acid in conjunction with the high proteid might occasion such symptoms is at least consistent with some of the numerous theories of rheuma- tism. On avoiding very acid fruits he soon lost all these symptoms. The following extract from the diar}^ of B. is, I think, typical of the facts in this respect to general health : " Have now, March 28, slight sore throat. In regard to colds, I have been troubled less this 3'^ear than at any time for years ; but this fact may be due to great change in climate, Nebraska to Connecticut. Have usually had colds more or less all winter ; therefore my freedom has been indeed remarkable. From September last till the beginning o'f the experi- ment I experienced frequent attacks of indigestion, 'heart-burn.' Have been almost free from that, though two or three times I bad the same experience after eating ba*nanas." Sumtnary. The phenomena observed during the experiment may be summar- ized as a slight reduction of total food consumed, a large reduction of the proteid element, especially for flesh foods, a lessened excretion of nitrogen, a reduction in the odor, putrefaction, fermentation and quantity of the feces, a slight loss of weight, a slight loss of strength, an enormous increase of physical endurance, a slight increase in mental quickness. These phenomena varied somewhat with diff^erent individuals, the variations corresponding in general to the varying degree in which the men adhered to the rules of the experiment. That we are correct in ascribing the results, especially in endur- ance, to dietetic causes alone, cannot reasonably be doubted when it is considered that no other factors of known significance were allowed Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 39 to aid in this result. On the contrary, so far as the operation of other factors was concerned, these must have worked against ratlier than for the results achieved. Exercise was in no case indulged in to a greater extent than had previously been the custom, and in most cases it Avas less. The men were warned not to take up exei'cise, except so far as they had been accustomed to befoi'e the experiment began, and if they varied their exercise at all, to lessen rather than increase it. They were very conscientious on this point, as on others, — so much so that some of them at first gave up exercising until they began to feel "logy." This over-zeal was corrected ; but in no case, have I reason to think that the exercise taken was more, or more sys- tematic, than previously. M. was probably the most systematic in taking exercise. His statement on this point, as previously given, the reader may care to review. / The men did not practice on the endurance tests between times. This was expressly forbidden, and the men were too trustworthy to admit of a doubt on this point. The tests themselves, needless to say, were too far apart to have given any chance for repetition to give " knack," and were too severe to count as beneficial exercise. Nor were the men more regular in their hours of retiring or other habits. On the contrary, they were rather more reckless in burning the midnight oil. It developed that, with their increased freedom from fatigue, they indulged more freely than ever their propensity to Avork in the lines of their respective ambitions. At first they felt justified in doing this, as it accorded with their instructions not to remove any handicaps to their chance of improving their endurance, but to increase rather than decrease such handicaps. But this liberty became license, and I was forced to remonstrate with the men for their late hours and overstud}^, which tended to rob them of their surplus endurance almost as fast as it accrued. Long before the experiment was finished the men had given every appearance of improved working power, but I was not at all sure that they would have any of it left to show in the final test, because of their tendency to use it up in work. Had the extent of their working proclivities been realized in advance, it is doubtful if the experiment would have been undertaken at all. It should be stated that all except M. were graduate students, and almost all of them, in addition to their uni- versity work, were earning their own way. The advance of warm weather must have tended, had not their diet counteracted it, to tire the men, if, at least, Ave may trust com- mon impressions as to " spring lassitude," 40 Fisher — The Ejfeet of Diet on Endurance. Again, the conditions immediately preceding the March and June tests, as compared with those preceding the Januarj' test, were such as to give the advantage to the January test. The latter came soon after the Christmas holidays, when the men, as they themselves stated, felt refreshed and at their best, whereas the March test came just before the Easter recess, after a hard term's work, and the June tests came after a like period of hard work, — in some cases, as of B. and R., immediately after exhausting examinations. Finally, the tests themselves were serious drains on vitalit3\ Each .required a period of from several days to two weeks for recuperation, and each robbed the men temporarily of several pounds of weight. The cookless diet experiment for six days also cost something to those who took part in it. In addition to the tests mentioned in this report was one on Jan- uary 23 of leg-raising, deep knee-bending and arm-stretching, taken after a night from which two hours of sleep were purposely cut off. After consideration, it was decided not to repeat this test as being too fatiguing. It therefore has been omitted from this report ; but it added one more burden for the men. When, therefore, we observe the known handicaps, — the over-study, the strain of the tests, the advance of warm weather, the fact that the first test came after rest and the other tests after work, and when we are unable to find any other cause than diet — such as exer- cise, regularitj^ of bed-time or other habits — we are forced to conclude that the only causes which produced the endurance were dietetic. Possibly some persons may be disposed to find a convenient escape from this conclusion b}^ ascribing the improvement to suggestion. [Jnder this theory'-, the men impl'oved because they expected to. It is quite true that there may be more force in autosuggestion than most of us realize. But, fortunately, for the present case we scarcely need to argue the point ; for as a matter of fact it was not true that all of the men expected to improve. This was certainly not true before the March test. In fact, the men were about equally divided in their predictions as to the outcome, and used to have animated discussions. Yet, both the confident and the skeptic faction im- }»roved in endurance in the March test ; and so far as I am acquainted with their ])rognostioations and have noted their improvement, there was little if any correlation between those prognostications and their improvement. It is of course still possible that some unobserved element has crept Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 41 into tlie case, to which, and not to the diet, the improvement in endurance was due ; but in view of all the facts recited, this is extremely improhable. What slight doubt i-emains should be resolved by further studies. I earnestly hope that other and more careful studies may be made by more competent investigators than I. We conclude that the improvement in endurance was exclusively due to dietetic causes. The only dietetic causes at work were (1) thorough mastication, (2) implicit obedience to appetite, (3) (during the second half of the experiment) when appetite did not clearly determine the choice, the voluntary selection of the non-flesh and low-proteid foods, and (4) an ample variety of good foods, well cooked. So far as cooking is concerned, this cause, as has been said, entered iinintentionally. But there is no evidence that it was a prime factor in the experiment, while there is some evidence to the contrarj^ Thus, E., who especially remarked the culinary virtues of the cook and who missed her services more than any one else during the brief period of her absence, was the one member of the club who failed to improve in endurance. If we allow oui'selves to speculate as to the changes in the' charac- ter of diet which were produced by thorough mastication, we may draw an inference from the fact that the carnivorous animals are fast- eaters, whereas the grain-eating animals are slow-eaters. It would seem, therefore, when man changes his habits from fast eating to slow eating he naturally changes his food from the food of a fast- eating to that of a slow-eating animal. The question, therefore, which is the natural food for man, may possibly be associated with the question, which of the two methods of eating is natural to man. Was the slow eating of the nine men an artificial and unnatural prac- tice, as would be indicated from the fact that the majority of men eat far faster ? Or, are the ordinary habits of man in respect to the manner of fast eating themselves unnatural ? I have not attempted to gather the facts necessary to solve this problem, but it certainly constitutes an interesting one for the physiologist and anthropologist. The few facts upon which I have chanced to fall would seem to indicate that man is naturally a slow eater, and that the huny-habit to which most of us are prone is a consequence of the artificial high- pressure to which modern civilization has subjected us. Certain it is that the conditions which give rise to quick-lunch counters and to the short stops of trains for refreshments, were produced, not in order to meet any natural propensity to eat fast, but on the contrary, in the 42 M^shei — llie Efect of Diet on Endurance. interest of the more rapid transaction of business, with wliich meal- times are regarded as an interference. We may therefore at least conclude that whatever the speed of eating which is natural to the human animal, his actual speed under civilized conditions is greater than natural. It is noteworthy also that children are very deliberate in eating their cookies. It is only after they are reproved for keeping their elders waiting that they begin to imitate the latter and bolt their food. Dr. Higgins ' and Dr. Hasse ° have pointed out also some physiological considerations, based on the anatomy of the human throat compared with the tliroats of the carnivores and of " poltophagic" animals, which would indicate that man, to a large extent at least, is naturally a slow-eating animal. Dr. Henrj^ Camj^bell ' has also given some evidence, based on a study of the primitive tribes, to show that chewing is more thorough among uncivilized races, and that the hurry habit to which we are accustomed is largely promoted by the use of prej^ared and ' mushy " foods, — which, in fact, appear to have been devised ex- pressly for the purpose of being quickly swalloAved. The evidence, however, on the natural food-habits of man is as yet very meager, and it is only provisionally that we may consider the thorough mastication advocated by Mr. Fletcher as " natural." With this reservation we may say that the experiment here described may be called an experiment in natural eating, or an effort to restore a blunted or lost food-instinct, so that it may serve as a safe guide to the propei" quantities and kinds of foods. If it be asked in Avhat way this natural eating tended to improve endurance, whether it was because of the finer sub-division of food through mastication ; the increased " insalivation " ; the increased flow of " appetite juice " ; the better adaptation of foods to the particular needs of the individual and the moment ; the lessened quantity of food ; the lessened proteid ; or the lessened amount of flesh foods, no satisfactory answer can be given, although, as the previous discussion shows, there is more or less evidence on some of these points. There are certainly some very fascinating problems for the physiologist to solve in regard to fatigue as related to diet. Are the " fatigue poisons " due, for instance, chiefly to the combustion of proteid in excess of the phj^siological ' See Humaniculture, N. Y. Stokes, 1904. 5 See A.rchiv fiar Anatomie (Waldeyer's) 1905, p. 321. 2 " Observations on Mastication," London Lancet, Ji;ly 11, 18, 25 and Aug. 8, 1903. Reprinted in Horace Fletcher's The A. B.-Z. of Our Orvn Nutrition, Stokes, 1903. See pp. 126-135. 1 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. 43 needs, as the theoiy of Chittenden would explain them ? Or, are they largely'' due to the ingestion of these poisons with flesh foods, as the vegetarians and Dr, Haig have maintained ? Or, do both explana- tions have a share '? The results of the experiment demonstrated so great an increase of endurance as to seem at first incredible. It certainly was a sur- prise, both to the men and to me. But statistics which I have been collecting during the last two years have prepared me to find great differences and changes in endurance. The special result of the present experiment is to show that diet is an important factor in producing such alterations. The fact that endurance, even among persons free from disease, is one of the most variable of human fac- ulties — far more variable than strength, for instance — is evident to any one who has made even a superficial examination. Some persons are tired by climbing a flight of stairs, whereas the Swiss guides, throughout the summer season, day after day spend the entire time in climbing the Matterhorn and other peaks ; some persons are "winded" by running a block for a street car, whereas a Chinese coolie will run for hours on end ; in mental work, some persons are iinable to apply themselves more than an hour at a time, whereas others, like Humboldt, can work almost continuously through eight- een hours of the day. Among statistics gathered independently of the present experiment, I have found measurable differences between persons far greater than the change of endurance of the eight students which we have seen.' Amon^r some 50 tests of different persons holding their arms horizontally, many were found whose arms actually dropped against their will inside of ten minutes, whereas several Avere able to hold them up over an hour, and one man held them 3 hours i and 20 minutes, or a round 200 minutes, and then dropped them voluntarily. Similarly with deep knee-bending, some persons were found physically unable to rise again from the stooping posture after accomplishing less than 500 bendings, whereas several succeeded in stooping 1,000 times, and in one case, 2,400, Again, in leg-raising, the legs positively refused to rise to the vertical in some cases before 40 times were reached, whereas in two cases this motion was per- formed 1,000 times or over. On the new ergograph previously referred to, among the 16 j^reliminary tests there was a range in endurance between different persons from 18 to 145 and in the same person at different times from 29 to 110. • For an account of some of these statistics see " The influence of flesh-eating on endurance." Yale Medical Journal, March, 1907. 44 Fisher — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. It is, to sa\' the least, remarkable that hitherto so little effort has been directed toward discovering the factors which explain such differences in endurance. That exercise is one of the most and per- haps the most important factor has alone been recognized. A correspondent assures rae that by means of moderate regular exercise he succeeded in increasing his endurance between 100 and 200^ in three Av^eeks as measured by leg-raising and "dipping." The influence of diet has always been regarded as small or negligible, and the opinion has been almost universal, until recently, that a diet rich ^n protcid promotes endurance. Even among those whose researches have led them to the opposite conclusion, there is very little concep- tion of the extent to which diet is correlated with endurance. Such a person, a medical friend of the writer, stated, when the present experiment was planned, that he did not think the dietetic factor strong enough compared with others to produce any marked effect. We have all heard, of course, of the enthusiastic reports of vegetarians as to their increased endurance, but these we have discounted as exaggerations. The result of the present experiment, however, would seem to indicate that one's im|)roveraent in endurance is usually not less, but greater, than he himself is aware of. Probably it is also true that we may lose a large fraction of our working power before we are distinctly conscious of the fact. While the results of the present experiment lean toward " vegeta- rianism," they are only incidentally related to that propaganda. Meat was by no means excluded ; on the contrary, the subjects were urged to eat it if their appetite distinctly preferred it to other foods. The sudden and complete exclusion of meat is not always desir- able, unless more skill and knowledge in food matters are employed than most persons possess. On the contrary, disaster has repeatedly, , overtaken many who have made this attempt. Pawlovv has shown that meat is one of the most and perhaps the most "peptogenic" of foods. Whether the stimulus it gives to the stomach is natural, or in the nature of an improper goad or whip, certain it is that stomachs which are accustomed to this daily whip have failed, for a time at least, to act when it was withdrawn. Nor is it necessary that meat should be permanently abjured, even when it ceases to become a daily necessity. The safer course, at leasts is to indulge the cravinij whenever one is "meat hungrv," even if, as in many casc'^, this be not oftener than once in several months. The rule of selection employed in the experiment was merely to give the benefit of the doubt to the non-flesh food ; but even a slight preference for flesh foods was to be followed. Fisher — Tlie Effect of Diet on Endurance. 45 Under flesh foods are included all meat- and " stock-" soups. It has been shown that although these extracts of meat contain a large amount of nitrogen, it is not in the form of proteid which can be utilized, but only of waste nitrogen which must be excreted. Ap- parently the sole virtue of such soups is that they supply the " pepto- genic " stimulus above referred to. The experiment will be seen to harmonize with and supplement the experiment of Professor Chittenden, on which it was founded ; but the objects of the two experiments were quite different. Professor Chittenden's was aimed to ascertain the physiological requirements as to proteid, and did not touch upon the question of endurance. Moreover, Professor Chittenden, in order the better to measure the proteid and nitrogen, artificially reduced the quantities ingested, whereas in the present experiment, test was made of Mr. Fletcher's claim, that thorough mastication leads naturally to the adoption of the physiological amount of proteid. This we found to be true, espe- cially after the introduction, at the middle of the test, of the sugges- tion that when appetite was in doubt, the lower proteid foods should be selected. But the tendency was quite marked during the first pei'iod also, and might have been expected to lead to the same results without the introduction of even the suggestion of voluntary choice, had the experiment been long enough. This was the experience of others, notably Mr. Fletcher himself, whose case, in fact, first called Professor Chittenden's attention to the possible virtues of low proteid. The practical value of the experiment consists in the fact that any layman can appl}- it, with or without a knowledge of food values, though with more advantage if he possesses than if he lacks such knowledge. If the dietetic rules of the present experiment are followed, no self- denial as to foods is required. It is, however, absoluteh" necessary that there should be self-control enough to break up the habit of hurried eating to which modern civilization has brought us, habitu- ating us, as it does, to eat against time. Experience indicates that appetite does not lead to a diet fixed in amount or constituents, but moves in undulating waves or cycles. The men who took part in the experiment were encouraged, after any of the symptoms which seemed to be associated with high pro- teid (such as heaviness, sleepiness, stiffness or soreness after exer- cise, or catching cold), to cut down on their j^i'oteid and substitute fat to restrain the gastric juice. This advice was intended to make 46 FlsJier — The Effect of Diet on Endurance. api»lication of the theories of Folin' that we usually cany a reservoir of proteid, enough to supply our needs for body-building for a fort- night. If this reservoir is exhausted, proteid starvation occurs and the body feeds on itself ; if it is filled too far it overflows and causes the evils of excessive proteid. If this theory is correct, the art of eating may consist largely in maintaining a golden mean such that the proteid reservoir is neither empty nor overflowing, or at any rate, not overflowing much. Many persons fear to reduce their proteid to the Chittenden minimum for fear of proteid starvation ; but the experience of those who have tried it would seem to show that this fear is groundless, provided no violence is done to natural appetite. This ma}^ be trusted, so it would appear, to raise a warning in the form of " nitrogen hunger " before the danger point is reached. '"A Theory of Protein Metabolism." American Journal of Physiology, March, 1905. TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated A. D. 1799 VOLUME XIIL- PP. 47-64 JULY, 1907 Publications of Yale University RELATIONS BETWEEN BERMUDA AND THE AMERICAN COLONIES DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR «Y ADDISON E. VERRILL J- NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1907 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR PRESS II. — Relations between Bermuda and the American Colonies DURING the Revolutionary War. By A. E. Verrill. In this brief account the following subjects will be discussed : 1. Commercial and social relations before the war ; dependence of Bermuda on the Colonies for foodstuffs, clothing, etc. 2. Seizure of the Bermuda gunpowder in 1775. 8. Bermuda privateers. 4. Plans for the- captui'e of Bermuda by the Americans and French. 5. Biographical Sketches. In order to appreciate the attitude and conduct of "the inhabitants of the Bermudas during the Revolutionary war, it is necessary to consider the peculiar conditions under which they had long lived and their intimate relations with, and dependence upon, the Ameri- can Colonies. 1. Commercial and social relations. After the decline and final cessation of tobacco cultivation,* about 1700, the inhabitants of Bermuda became very much impoverished, for they had few products to export and were unable to raise sufli- cient foodstuffs to support themselves. This condition continued down to and after the Revolutionary war. During that period they were largely dependent upon their traffic with the American Colonies for their food and clothing. Cessation of that traffic meant destitution, if not famine, for them. The islands were over-populatedf and they had a superabundance of negro slaves, without adequate employment for them. Agriculture was pursued on a small scale and in the most primitive manner. The amount of arable land suitable for cei'eals Avas small. Culti- vation of the soil by the whites was considered degrading. The slaves were very ignorant and without proper tools, plows and har- rows being then unknown there.]; Under such circumstances many of the more enterprising men emigrated to America and went into com- *See The Bermuda Islands, A. E. Verrill, vol. i, pp. 555-560. f The population in 1787 was estimated at 10,381, of whom 4,919 were colored. See The Bermuda Islands, vol. i, pp. 561-565, 570. X Plows, yokes, and various other agricultural implements were first intro- duced by Governor Reid, 1839-40. See The Bermuda Islands, i, pp. 557, 895. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XIII. 4 June, 1907. 48 ^4. J£. Verrill — Relations heticeen Bermuda and the mcrce. Sonic utulertook the building of vessels, the Bermuda cedai* being adTiiirably ada})ted for tliat use ; others erected salt works at Turks Island, in the Bahamas,* and went there during the winter season to manufacture salt, most of which they took to the American Colonies to exchange for food and clothing, for salt was their princi- pal export. Thus it came about that Bermudian vessels, for more than sixty years, had monopolized a large part of the West Indian and coastwise commerce of the American Colonies. Many native Ber- mudians, from the best families, had gone to America for their educa- tion, and many went ii^to business or the learned professions there. These various intimate business relations and familv ties, as well as their bwn cherished love of liberty, naturally led to friendliness and s^^mpathy with the Americans during the war. Besides, they had themselves suffered greatly, in previous yeai's, by oppressive English laws. The Berniudians, however, like the Americans, were divided into two parties. Those who were opposed to the British Govern- ment, or at least to its treatment of the Colonies, seem to have been largely in the majority. They were repeatedly denounced by the Governors as rebels and traitors. On the other hand, even the mem- bers of the Assembly did not hesitate to openly oppose and criticise Governor Bruere in no measured terms, w^hile he in turn denounced them and other local officials as traitors. This mutual enmity con- tinued from 17 75 to 1782, under three successive governors. It cul- minated in September, 1780, w^hen the Governor dissolved the legis- lative Assembly for rebellious conduct. It is certain that very many of the inhabitants of Bermuda were willing and ready to aid the Americans in every way they safely could. It is also a matter of official record that the Continental Congress granted very unusual and highly important favors to the Bermudians, by sending them large amounts of provisions ; allow- ing them free importation of salt ; permitting them to enter the harbors ; and exempting their vessels from capture by American privateers. Such privileges were not granted to other English colonies. If the American Colonies could have maintained a suita- ble fleet to hold the islands, their capture would have been easy, a!id no doubt welcomed by the majority of the people. The first act of the Colonies that affected Bermuda was the reso- lution adopted Friday, the 30th of September, 1774 :f "Resolved, * The Bermndians erected salt works there as early as 1678. See The Ber- muda Islands, i, p. 520. f Secret Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. 1, p. 121 (Philad. ed, 1800). American Colonies during the Mevolutionary War. 49 Tluatfrom and after the 10th of September, 1775, the exportation of all merchandize and every commodity whatsoever, to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, ought to cease, unless the grievances of America are redressed before that time." In a resolution ado'pted Aug. 1, 1775, defining the islands and colonies with which commerce was prohibited, the "Summer Islands," or Bermudas, were specifically mentioned.* Before the^ resolution went into effect, tlie Uerraudians had pre- sented more than one petition stating their lack of provisions and begging for relief. At the session July 11, 1775, an "Address from the inhabitants of Bermuda " was presented. f This document is not preserved, but was probably one of those referred to at the session of Nov. 22, 1775. On July 17, 1775, the following was recorded :J "The address from the Deputies of the several parishes of the islands of Bermuda being again read, ordered : That the President return them an answer, acknowledging the receipt of the address and informing them that it will be considered, and desiring them to send an account of the provisions imported for some years past for the use of the iidiabitants of that island ; and also enclose therein a copy of a resolve entered into on Saturdaj^ last, respecting the importation of gunpowder, etc." This reference is to a resolution introduced by Benjamin Frank- lin, and passed July 15, 1775,§ in Avhich it was provided that any vessel importing gunpowder, saltpeter, sulphur, or firearms, should be allowed to export products of any kind, of equal value, thus assuring a profit at each end of the voyage. This was evidently a great inducement to the people of Bermuda to engage in that kind of traffic, to obtain the foodstuffs and clothing that they so badly needed. After the seizure of the gunpowder at Bermuda, in August, and evidently, as will be shown later, as a reward for their aid in that affair, the attitude of Congress suddenly changed. Under date of Wednesday, Nov. 22, 1775, the following entry occurs : || " The committee of the whole, to whom are referred the several petitions from the islands of Bermuda, representing the dis- * Journals of the Continental Congress, vol. ii, p. 239, Washington ed., 1905. f Journal Continental Congress, i, p. 150. I Secret Joni-n. of The Continental Congress, vol. i, p. 21, ed. of 1800. § Journal Continental Congress, ii, p. 184, ed. 1905. II Journal of Continental Congress, i, p. 236, 237, Boston ed., 1821. 50 A. HJ. Verrill — Relations between Bermuda and the tress to which they were exposed, by the non-export agreement, and praying to be relieved in such manner as tlie Congress may deem consistent with the safety of America, report that they have con- sidered the same, and thereupon came to the following resolutions : That the inhabitants of the Islands of Bermuda appear friendly to the cause of America and ought to be supplied with such and so great of the products of these colonies, as may be necessarj^ for their subsistence and home consumption ; that in the opinion of this committee they will annually require for the purposes aforesaid : 72000 bushels of Indian corn, 2000 barrels of bread or flour, 1000 barrels of beef or pork, 2100 bushels of peas or beans, and 300 tierces of rice, and that they be permitted to export the same yearly. That the said inhabitants ought to pay for the above annual allowance in salt, but it is not the design of this resolution to exclude them from the privilege of receiving American goods to any amount in exchange for arms, ammunition, saltpeter, sulphur, and field pieces, agreeabl}^ to a resolution passed the 15th of July last. That to enable each of the colonies, as can conveniently furnish the islands of Bermuda with the above mentioned allowance, to divide whatever advantages may result therefrom, in proportion to their respective shares of the general expense, it is further the opinion of the committee that the colony of South Carolina supply them with 300 tiei'ces of rice ; that the colony of North Carolina supply them with 16000 bushels of Indian corn, and 468 bushels of peas or beans ; Virginia with 36000 bush., of Indian corn, and 10500 bush, of peas or beans ; Maryland with 20000 bush, of corn and 552 bush, peas ^or beans. Pennsylvania Avith 1200 barrels of flour or bread, and 600 barrels of beef or pork ; New York with 800 barrels of flour or bread and 400 barrels of beef or pork. Also to inform the inhabitants of Bermuda that Congress would also supply them with other necessaries, such as lumber, soap and candles, whenever the quality and quantity of those articles used in the islands be ascertained. That Edw. Stiles be permitted, under the direction of the Committee of Safety of the Colony of Penn- S3'lvania, to send the brig " Sea Nymph," Sam'l Stobel master, with 4000 bushels of Indian corn, 800 barrels of flour, 100 barrels of bread, 20 barrels of pork, 8 barrels of beef, 30 boxes of soap, I American Colonies during the Revolutionary War. 51 and 15 barrels of apples, to Bermuda for the immediate supply of the inhabitants, and that the said cargo be considered as a part of the annual allowance aforesaid, for the year ensuing." Other cargoes of provisions are recorded as having been sent to Bermuda. Among them are the dates : June 5, 1776 ; May 18, 177!i ; Aug. 30, 1880, etc. The Secret aiul Marine Committee, ' charged with fitting out vessels with cargoes to Bermuda," was discharged Aug. 2, 1776. ]5ut an act had been previously passed, July 24, 1776, making an exception in favor of Bermuda vessels, and permitting them to enter American ports for commercial purposes. But as the governors of Bermuda considered all such traffic treason- able, it must have been carried on secretly and with considerable risk. Thus more or less destitution continued in Bermuda di;ring the war, as the records show. The receipt of a letter or petition is mentioned on May 30th, 1776. It was taken up at the session of June 6th, Avhen the committee reported upon it as follows : — * " The committee to whom was refen-ed an extract of a letter from a gentleman in Bermuda,f dated 26th April, and continued to May 1st, to a gentleman in Philadelphia, brought in their report, which was read, and the same being taken into consideration : Resolved, That the Secret Committee be instructed to fit out two fa^it sailing vessels and load them with provisions, to be sent immediately to supply the inhabitants of the islands of Bermuda, and that the com- mittee of secret correspondence be directed to take such means as they may think proper, by these vessels, to discover the state of those islands and the disposition of the inhabitants ; and that the marine committee be instructed to take such measures as they may think proper, for purchasing, manning, arming, and fitting at the said islands, of two sloops of war for the service of the United Colonies." No report of the results of this exj)edition has been found on the records. In 1878-9 the islands were allowed to send from each parish one licensed vessel to Savannah, New York, or other English ports, to obtain provisions ; but they had very little to offer in exchange. * Secret Journ. Continental Congress, i, pp. 45, 46, 47 (ed. 1800). t The gentleman here referred to was, without much doubt, Mr. Silas Deane, at that time in Bermuda, where he had stopped to purchase a '" fast sailing vessel " while on his way to France, as instructed by Congress. See below, p. 60, for an extract from one of his letters, probably the same one here referred to. 52 A. E. Verrill — Relations between Bermuda and the 1 1. Seizure of the Gxinpowder in 1775. That the American army was at first in desperate need of gunpow- der and other munitions of war, is well known. General Washington, from the very first, used the most strenuous efi^orts to increase the sup- ply and economize what he had. The manufacture of saltpeter and the gathering of sulphur were encouraged by special acts of Congress in th€ summer of 1775. It is well known that in August, 1775, the gunpowder stored in a public ))owder magazine in Bermuda was secretly seized by an American expedition and brought to the Colonies to supply the armies in the field, who were then sorely in need of it. The affair caused great excitement in Bermuda at the time, but none of the inhabitants* were proved guilty of aiding in the enterprise, although the governor and other officials made great efforts to do so. The transaction has to tliis day remained very much of a mystery. The lives of those engaged in it were at stake, both in tliis country and Bermuda, for the result of the impending war was then very uncer- tain. Various more or less I'oraantic and fictitious incidents have been connected with the affair in Bermuda, but they seem to rest on no basis whatever. The powder was certainly taken away in the night, with no apparent disturbance. At that time Bermuda was very poorly fortified and weakly garrisoned. It is said in Bermuda that the barrels of powder were rolled through the governor's garden. Even now, though several have written on the subject, the amount of gunpowder taken, its destination, the persons concerned, and the name of the vessel or vessels that took it away are not positive!}' known. No direct mention of the act is found, to my knowledge, in any American official record. In the following pages I have reviewed all the official American records known to me that have been supposed to refer to the affair, and have collected all the other evidence available. Very likely careful researches in the official records of that period in Bermuda and London might bring out some additional evidence, but the secrets of the persons concerned seem to have been well kept. As many of the warlike undertakings of the Continental Congress were at that time delegated to the " Secret Committee of Marine and Commerce," very little is to be learned from the official records in regard to this transaction. It was probably undertaken, like the later expedition of Capt. Whipple, in accordance with the urgent desire of General Washington, who, in his letters, refers to a Mr, American Colonies during the Revolutionary War. 53 Harris, as one of the persons who had told him of the powder there. The only official record that has been supposed to refer to it, and that very doubtfully, is in the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety minutes, Sept. 20, 1775,* pp. 340, 341, where it is stated that 1800 pounds of powder had been imported from Bermuda by Capt. Ord in "The Lucy"; of this, 700 lbs. were noted as damaged and " not fit to use." Some Avriters have stated that 100 barrels of powder and many other stores were taken from the Bermuda magazine. But there is no official record of this. A few days after the expe- dition under Captain Whipple had sailed (Sept. 12), it was pub- licly announced, it was said, perhaps in the news])apers, that 100 barrels of gunpowder had arrived from Bermuda. I have not been able to consult the newspapers of that date. Perhaps "The Phila- delphia Packet," a semi-official organ, was the authority referred to. The official records give Aug. 6, 1775, as the date when the powder imported in the " Luc\' " was received in Philadelphia. But Mr. DeLancey Clevelandf states that the powder was seized Aug. 14, 1775. If the latter date be correct, the former record must refer to a previous importation by Capt. Ord. This is not unlikely, for Capt. Ord owned more than one vessel, and was then engaged in commerce. Moreovei', a subsequent importation of gunpowder from Bermuda is on record, and there may have been various others, for considerable illicit traffic was continually carried on by the Bermu- dians, according to the charges made by their governor at that time. The Continental Congress had already offered special rewards for the importation of gunpowder and firearms. The unusual favors subsequently granted to the Bermudians (see especially the act of Nov. 22, 1775, above, p. 49), indicate that much larger contribu- tions than the 1800 lbs. of powder, about half of it " unfit for use," had been received from them. I am, therefore, now led to believe that the importation in the "Lucy" was entirely independent of the powder taken from the large magazine. [j; * Vol. X, pp. 377-784, Harrisburg ed., 1852. See The Bermuda Islands, i, p. 873 (461). t See article " How Wasbington got his Powder," in New York Evening Post, Feb. 24, 1904 ; reprinted in the Bermuda Eoyal Gazette, March 29. By DeLan- cey Cleveland, a great-grandson of Capt. George Ord. X According to tradition in Bermuda powder was taken from more than one magazine for the Americans. 54 A. H] VerrlU — Tiehitions heticeen Bermuda and the It seems quite probable that Captain Ord had previously been informed of tlie gunpowder in Bermuda, and of the means of secur- ijig it, and that when he heard of the rewards offered by Congress for the importation of gunpowder, he hui'ried back to Bermuda and secured it. The intervening time Avas sufficient for that purpose. But whether the Americans took it from the magazine, or received it from friend)}' Bermudians, who had taken it out to them in boats, is uncertain. In Bermuda the latter view seems to have been held. The voj^age from Bermuda in the sailing vessels of that period usually took at least a week, and usually a longer time in summer. So that if the seizure took place on Aug. 14th, the powder could not have reached Philadelphia before the 22d to 28th, and probably rather later than that, perhaps a week or more later. Possibly it may have been taken directly to New York, Providence, or some other port nearer to Washington's army than Philadelphia. But it is certain that Washington had not heard of its ai-rival up to Sept. 6th, when he wrote the circular letter to the Bermudians, to be taken there by Capt. Whipple, and probably he had not heard of it before Capt, Whipple sailed, Sept. 12th. This would tend to make the date of Aug. 14th, for the seizure, seem more probable. The powder that was received by the " Lucy," Aug. 6, must have left Bermuda about July 28th, or earlier. According to some traditions and pub- lished accounts, there were two vessels concerned in the seizure : one of them from South Carolina, and the other from Philadelphia. If so, part of the gunpowder may have been taken directly to South Carolina, where it was much needed at that time. It is probable that, as a matter of safet}', no official record was made of the arrival of this captured powder. Many of the warlike acts of the secret committees of that period were never recorded, for good and suffi- cient reasons, as affairs then stood. Recently, Miss Caroline Clifford Newton, daughter of the late Professor H. A. Newton, of Yale Universitj'", has called my atten- tion to the fact that Captain Samuel Stiles, of Georgia, has been reputed to have taken a part in the seizure of the gunpowder. He was the great-great-grandfather of Miss Newton. He was an adventurous ship captain, who owned his own vessels, and was engaged in commerce at that time. Miss Newton states that accoi-d- ing to famih"^ traditions he took a prominent part in that affair, importing some of the powder in his own ship. He ma}-, indeed, have commanded the second vessel, said, in the contemporary accounts, to have hailed from South Carolina, as mentioned above. American Colonies during the Revolutionary War. 55 In the "Historical (.Collections of Georgia," by the Rev. George White, p. 276 (New York, 1855), the author mentions Capt. Samuel Stiles,* and says : "It is said that the Bermudians being in a starv- ing condition, stole the government powder from the magazines and sold it for provisions, and that Mr. Stiles was the person who arranged the trade and carried off the powder." Mr. White also states that Capt. Stiles was engaged, during the war, in importing powder from the West Indies, both for Congress and for the colony of Georgia. The gunpowder mentioned in the minutes, quoted above, was recorded as having been imported by Capt. Ord in the " Lucy." But one of Capt. Ord's descendants, Mr. DeLancey Cleveland, says that according to family traditions the powder taken from the maga- zine Avas brought away in the " Retaliation." Capt. Ord received a commission from the Continental Congress, Dec. 4, 1776, as a priva- teer in command of the brigantine " Retaliation," of 90 tons, armed with 14 guns, and manned by 100 men. His commission, a copy of which I have at hand, is now in the possession of Mr. Cleveland. It Avas signed " By order of The Congress, John Hancock, President." As no commissions to privateersf were granted by Congress or the Colonies up to 1776, according to the best authorities, Capt. Ord was not a privateer in 1775, though he doubtless had a commission and official orders of some kind — perhaps from the Governor of Pennsyl- vania. J There is no evidence that his vessel, the " Lucy," was armed at that time, though it was then usual to arm even mercantile vessels for defence. It is not improbable that the name of the vessel might have been changed from " Lucy " to " Retaliation " when it was put in commission as a privateer, but there is no evidence of this. The latter indicates a name given after hostilities had begun, and perhaps after the loss of a vessel by capture, but Capt. Ord is said to have owned more than one vessel during the war. * According to Mr. White, Capt. Stiles came to America aboiit 1769, and owned a plantation in Bryan County, Ga. When the war broke ont his family was in Bermuda, but he early joined the cause of the Colonies. He was present at the siege of Savannah. f The first resolution of Congress in regard to giving commissions to priva- teers seems to have been on March 23, 1776. ij: It is a tradition among his descendants that Capt. Ord fitted out this expe- dition at his own expense. Mr. De Lancey Cleveland informs me that the fam- ily tradition is not very positive as to the name of the vessel. 56 A. E. Verrill — Relations betioeen Bermuda and the A little later* there is a record of the arrival of "eight half barrels of powder" shipped from Bermuda by Henry Tucker, " Chairman of the Deputies of several Parishes of Bermuda." It is recorded as having belonged to Capt. John Cooper of North Carolina, and was intended for the use of that colony. There is no reason to suppose that this was not a private shipment. It has often been said that the arrival of the gunpowder from Bermuda enabled Washington to recapture Boston on March 17, following. I have not been able to find any reliable evidence of this. It appears that Congress supplied Washington's army at that ^ time with gunpowder from any and every available source. Proba- bly the Bermuda gunpowder was put into the general supply. Doubtless some of it, if not all^ reached Washington's army, at Cambridge, as there was ample time, but I have found no record of its arrival. Just before the arrival of the small supply on the "Lucy," a much larger quantity had been ordered sent to General Washington from Philadelphia. The Continental Congress on Aug. 1, iVTojf "Resolved, that out of the powder belonging to the continent now in this city, five tons be sent to General Washington in the speediest and safest manner by the delegates of the colony of Pennsylvania," and that " out of the next that arrives " 1,000 lbs. should be allotted to New Jersey, and " out of the same parcel " one ton should be reserved for N. Carolina, to be lodged in the " magazine of New York," if not required by Gen. Washington or Gen. Schuyler. Perhaps this lot that was soon expected was the Bermuda guni)0wder. If so, the storing of part of it in the New York magazine would indicate that it was taken directly to New York from Bermuda. It is claimed by the descendants of St. George Tucker,J who came to Virginia several years previously (1771) and took an active part in the cause of the colonists, that he was active in securing the gun- powder. But precisely what he actually did do seems to be unknown. He may have helped to make the plans for the seizure. * See New Eiig. Hist, and Gen. Records, vol. 1, No. 4, p. 441, Oct., 1896. f Journals of the Continental Congress, ii, p. 238, ed. 1905. t See the article by J. T. McLaughlin, .)r., his great-grandson, in The Rojah Gazette, March 15, 1904, reprinted from The New York Evening Post, March 5, 1904. p. 8, in reply to an article by Mr. C. E. Hayward, Feb. 20, 1904, Supple- ment, 13. ] . Mr. Hayward stated that the powder was put aboard of two Ber- muda vessels ofif the North Rocks. This is a very doubtful tradition. American Colonies during the ReDolutionary War. 57 It is a matter of record that he was sent to Bermuda (June, ll'lo), just before the event, and that he did not return to Virginia till Nov., 1776. So it would appear that he had other objects in charge beyond the securing of the gunpowder, I do not find that he was accused of having a hand in it at that time. While in Bermuda he was admitted to the local bar. It is probable that the American sailors did the actual work of removing the gunpowder, and that some of the inhabitants of Ber- muda may have acted as guides and as pilots for the boats, in that night adventure. Shortly after the Rhode Island expedition had sailed and the news of the arrival of the powder had been received, a second vessel was sent from Rhode Island to notify Capt, Whipple. Both vessels reached Bermuda and their people were well received by the inhabi- tants, who told them of the previous capture of the powder. It is stated that Capt, Whi{)ple, while there, entertained on board his vessel five members of the Council, who assured him that "the people were hearty friends of the American Cause and heartily dis- posed to serve it." He returned Oct, 20, 1775. It appears, from documents, that these vessels anchored off the southwestern end of the islands, and that there Avere British war vessels at the other end. But the latter did not venture to attack the Americans. Capt. Whipple was also told that the Governor had notified Gen- eral Gates of the seizure of the powder, and that he had sent from Boston an armed sloop and a transport, which were then in St. George's harbor. In accordance with the promises of General Washington, the Con- tinental Congress, in November, soon after the powder had been received, ordered a cargo of provisions sent to Bermuda to relieve the immediate distress of the inhabitants, and also allowed annual shipments ; and later permitted private firms to send cargoes there from several of the Colonies. (See above, p. 49.) It also allowed salt to be brought back in payment for provisions. Moreover, a law was passed, November, 1777, exempting Bermudian vessels from capture by American privateers. This exception was contained in all the letters of marque issued after Nov. 27, 1777. Inasmuch as Congress had specifically named the "Summer Islands" among the places with which trade was prohibited, in its act of Aug. 1st, the arrival of a large amount of gunpowder from thence through 58 A. E. T'eiTill — Relations hetifeen Bermuda a?id the the friendh^ aid of the Bermudian people, is the only logical explan- ation of the sudden chanare in its attitude. Before Gen, Washington heard of the success of this first expe- dition lie made an urgent appeal* to Gov. Cooke of Rhode Island to send one of the armed vessels of that colony to Bermuda. This plan was approved by the Governor and Committee of Rhode Island, and the vessel was dispatched Sei)t, 12, 1775, in command of Capt. Abraham Whipple, who carried with him a circular letter from General Washington, dated Sept. G, 1775, to the inhabit-ants of Ber- muda,f asking them to aid, so far as they safely could, in this enter- prise, and promising in return to use his influence with Congress to secure the sending of much needed provisions, and obtain other favors for them. The following is an extract from General Wash- ington's letter : — " We are informed that there is a very large magazine in your island under a very feeble guard. We would not wish to involve you in an opposition in which, from your situation, we should be unable to support you ; we know not, therefore, to what extent to solicit your assistance, in availing ourselves of this supply; but if your favoiir and friendship to North Amei'ica and its liberties have not been misrepresented, I persuade myself you may, consistently with your own safety, promote and fiirther this scheme, so as to give it the fairest prospect of success. Be assured that in this ease the whole power and exertion of my influence will be made with the honorable Continental Congress, that your island may not only be supplied with provisions, but experience every other mark of affection and friendship which the grateful citizens of a free country can bestow on its brethren and benefactors." III. Bermuda Privaieers. Notwithstanding the friendly relations, there were in Bermuda plenty of people who held the same views as the loyalists in America. Some fitted out privateers to prey upon American commerce and enrich themselves, as the Governor, George J. Bruere, advised. A privateer's commission was given, Jan. 10, 1778, to Capt. Bridger Goodrich, in command of the "Hammond " of 100 tons, 8 guns, and 20 men, to "cruise against the American colonies." It was armed * In his letter, dated " Camp at Cambridge, 4 Aug., 1775," General Wash- ington mentioned the great and pressing need of gunpowder for the army and the very precarious snpply. He also said: ""No quantity, however small, is beneath notice, and, should any arrive, I beg it may be forwarded as soon as jiossible." \ This letter luis been ptiblished in full in several books. See J. Sparks, "Writings of George Washington," iii, p. 77. Also Stark's Bermuda Guide, pp. :55-37, 1898. Americcm Colonies during the Revolutionary War. 59 by Robt. Shelden and Wm. Goodrich, merchants of Bermuda. Sev- eral other privateers were fitted out there and commissioned by Gov. George James Bruere,* in 1778 to 1780, "to cruise against the French, Spanish, and Americans." Gov. George Bruere. in one of his earliest addresses, Nov. 23, 1780, also referred to their great success and urged the fitting out of more. Among those recorded were the " Miraculous Pitcher,"' Capt. H. Middleton ; sloop " Whalebone," Capt. John Brice ; the "Spitfire"; the "Jolly Bacchus." Others might be found recorded, very likely, by a more thorough search of the Bermuda records. In an address by Gov. George Bruere, June 19, 1781, he said that " a noble ship " was being fitted out as a privateer by a private family, and added: " I flatter myself her success, as well as the good fortune the other armed vessels constantly meet with, will convince the rea- sonable and dispassionate that interest as well as duty lay on the side of equipments against our Confederate Enemies." Some of the Bermuda privateers were also captured by the Amer- icans. One which was captured and taken to Boston and condemned there had 70 negro sailors on board. I have not attempted to compile a list of American vessels cap- tured by the Bermudian privateers and condemned there, but a con- siderable number are recorded. After the arrival of Governor Wm. Brown, in 1782, privateering was discouraged f He said " the spirit of privateering will draw the resentment of the enemy." IV. Plans for the Capture of Bermuda hy the Americans and French. Although the various petitions and letters from the Bermudians, referred to in the journals of the Continental Congress, have not been preserved, the character of the wording of the resolutions is sufficient to show the strong sympathy between the Bermudians and Americans. It is well known that there were many in authority in this country who advised the capture of Bermuda. Very likely the * Gov. George James Briiere, appointed 1764, died in Aug., 1780. He was succeeded by Lt.-Gov. Thos. Jones, Sept., 1780. He was replaced Oct., 1780, by Gov. George Bruere. who was replaced by Governor Wm. Brown, Jan. 4, 1782. f Governor Brown was a native of Salem, Mass. He was a very able and much respected citizen, and an eminent jurist. He was, however, a devoted loyalist, and was obliged to leave his country and sacrifice his property on that account. His letter as to privateering is in " The Lansdowne MSS." vol. 78. 00 A. E. Verrill — Relations hetxrieen Bermuda and the visit of Mr. St. George Tucker to Bermuda, from June, 1775, to November, 1776, was only in part to secure gunpowder. It may have been more particularly to promulgate the revolutionary ideas of the American Colonists. It is not improbable that he was also instructed to ascertain the disposition of the people in regard to the plan for the capture of Bermuda, and its practicability, and to enlist their aid and sympathy in other wavs. He came back with a cargo of salt, which was then much needed. After he returned to America he joined the Conti- nental army. He became a Lieutenant Colonel in 1789, and M'as wounded in the battle of Guilford Court House. He was appointed Professor of Law in 1789, and Judge of U. S. District Court in 1815. (See biographical sketch below.) It is certain that Bermuda was at that time very j)oorly fortified and feebly garrisoned. St. George's was the only town and principal harbor, for Hamilton was not made the capital till 1812. But the irarrison was greatlv increased in 1778 and 1779. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, writing to Lord George Germain, Oct. 8, 1778, stated that he had sent 300 men to garrison Bermuda; and in a later letter, Nov., 1779, he says, "I have sent an additional force to Bermuda. That place is of the greatest consequence." Probably some of the old and more or less ruined forts, built long before about St. George's harbor and on Castle Island, etc., were repaired and garrisoned at that time.* Mr. Silas Deane, a member of Congress, who was sent as a secret agent to the Court of France in 1776, stopped, on his way, at Ber- muda and there purchased a fast sloop in which he sailed to Bor- deaux, arriving June, 1776. In a letter from Bermuda, April, 1776, he described the destitute condition and distress of the inhabitants and said that a famine was inevitable unless they could live entirely on fish or get food from America. f He also described the harbors and channels, and advised the Congress to take possession of the islands and fortify them at both ends, and thus make a safe harbor for the building and fitting out of vessels to destroy the British, commerce with the AVest Indies. In another letter, dated Paris, Aug. 18, 177C, he referred to the same subject and said that the; English government intended to fortify the islands during the fol-j * See The Bermuda Islands, vol. i, pp. 449-463. f See above, p. 51. This letter was apjiarently the one there referred to, andj acted upon by Congress. American Colonies during the Revolutionary War. 61 lowing winter and spring and tliat France would take possession of them "on the first rupture," He also- stated that the Bermudians had sent a petition to the English government declaring the necessity of getting provisions from America, and saying that if not permitted to do so, they must ask the protection of the Congress,* In consequence of Mr, Deane's letters and other information, Congress immediatel}' ordered two " fast-sailing vessels " to be loaded with provisions and sent to Bermuda, June, 1776. The officers were instructed to ascertain " the disposition of the people," and also whether two armed vessels could be purchased and fitted out there, (See above, p, 51.) Their report does not appear to have been recorded, f Doubtless it Avas deemed impracticable to take the islands at that time, for the Americans then had no war vessels of any importance and could not have held the islands against the English fleet, even with the assistance of the French fleet. But plans for the capture of Bermuda were not entirely abandoned until long afterwards, for references are repeatedly' made to it in the official letters pi-eserved in the archives, both in Europe and America. In the letters of Mi-, Hopkins (Brigadier in the French Service) to Compte de Vergennes, Sept, 9 and Sept, 14, 1776, he mentions the capture of Bermuda as a part of his plans J In the Treaties of Commerce .and Alliance between France and America, signed Feb, 6, 1778, it was stipulated that all the West Indies, if conquered, should belong to France, but that Bermuda should be added to the United States, In the letters of Marquis de Lafayette to Compte de Vergennes, July 3, and July 18, 1779, and in other letters, he mentions the capture of Bermuda for the Americans as a part of his plans. Lafayette contemplated a visit to Bermuda, personally, to organize a liberty part}^, as stated in a letter to Compte de Vergennes, Feb. 2, 1780. He said, "Nous pouvous en passant toucher a la Bermuda et y etablir le parti de la liberte." * See also New Eng. Historical and Geological Eeg., vol. 1, No. 4, Oct., 1896, p. 441. \ All such matters were at that time referred to a Secret Committee of Marine and Commerce, and very little is on record as to its doings. X See Stevens, Benj. Franklin (editor). Facsimiles of manuscripts in European Archives relating to America, 17T3-1778, Nov., 1889-Fel3., 1898, folio. See Abstracts in G. Watson Cole, Bermuda in Periodical Literature, Bulletin of Bibliography, iii, Nos. 8, 9, Jan. -Feb.. 1904, of these and several other letters regai'ding the capture of Bermuda by the French. 62 A. E. Verrill — lielations heticeen Bermuda and the One of the means of communicating with friendly Bermudians is shown in a letter of information communicated by Lieut. -Col. Edward Smith, Oct. 22, 1777 : "AH American ships falling in with Bermuda Islands must stand tor the West end, and by their hoisting a jack at the maintoi)mast head, a Mr, Tucker would send off a boat, and procuring them, as required, assistance, would give them orders or satisfactory information." Y, Biofjraphical Notes on some of the persons mentioned. St. George Tucker.* He was born at Port Royal, Bermuda, July 10, 1752, and died near Warminster, Va., Nov. 10, 1827. His parents were Henry and Anne (Butterfield) Tucker. He was a descendant of George Tucker of Kent, England, who was a prominent member of the Warwick party in the Virginia Company' of London, and of his eldest son, George Tucker, who emigrated to Bermuda among the earliest settlers and became a land owner and planter of tobacco there. The latter was a nephew of Governor Daniel Tucker (1615- 1616), famous for his strenuous government of his unruly subjects.} St. George Tucker came to Virginia in 1771, to complete his education, and o^raduated at the Colleofe of William and Marv in 1772. He afterwards studied and practiced law. He went to Ber- muda, June, 1775, and was admitted to the bar there, July, 1775. In November, 1776, he returned to Virginia with a cargo of salt. In 1777 he engaged, with his brother Thomas, in importing gun- powder and other munitions of war from the W^est Indies. He soon entered the army. He was Aide-de-camp to General Thos. Nelson in 1779 ; Major in 1781, He served with General Greene in the south, and was wounded in the battle of Guilford Court House, March 15, 1781. He became Lieut. -Colonel, Sept. 12, 1781, and was sent as a delegate with Edward Randolph and James Madison to the Annapolis Convention in 1786. It is said that he was the person who made the report of the famous speech of Patrick Henry. After the war he resumed the practice of law, and became a judge in 1787. He was appointed Professor of Law in the College of William and Mary, 1789-90, and was judge of the II. S. District Court of Virginia, 1813-25. He also held other important offices. He wrote a number of important legal works, and had a good liter- ary reputation, both as a writer of prose and poetry. * The dates here given are mostly from Lamb's Biog. Diet. United StatesJ 190-5, vol. vii, p. 387. Other biographical works give some of them -differentlyJ t See "The Bei-muda Islands," vol. i, pp. 447, 476, 551, 634, 630, 713, 719^ 875. American Colonies during the Mevolutionari/ War. 03 His sons and several of liis later descendants have also been eminent in law and other professions. His elder brother, Thomas Tudor Tucker, who was born in Ber- muda, 1'745, and emigrated to South Carolina, was a surgeon in the army, and was a delegate to the Continental Congress, 1787-8, and representative in the United States Congress subsequently, 1789- 1793 ; from December, 1801, to his death. May, 1828, '27 years, he was Treasurer of the United States. Capt. George Okd was born in England, May 26, 1741, He died Oct. 13, 1806. He came to America when 18 years old. He carried on a ship chandlery, together with a rope-walk in Phila- delphia, before the war, and had already acquired considerable knowledge of naval affairs in England. These occupations and his experience made him useful in the first formation of the Naval Board, as shown by letters to him, still preserved, from Thomas Wharton, " First President of Council."* He was an uncle of George Ord, Esq., a well known naturalist of Philadelphia, and for many years an active member of the Academy of Natural Sciences and American Philosophical Society. He was a friend and patron of Wilson, the ornithologist, and edited his Ornithology, writing the last volfime himself. He was also intimate with Audubon, Lesueur, and other notable naturalists of that period. It was through him that the papers and relics of Capt. Ord were transmitted to his nephew, DeLancey Cleveland, who wrote the article on the capture of the gunpowder, referred to above. The following is a copy of the commission of Capt. George Ord. The original is preserved by Mr. DeLancey Cleveland : IN CONGEESS. The Delegates of the United States, of New Hampshire, Massachusettes Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New Castle, Kenf and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia, To all unto whom these Presents shall come, send Greeting : Know Ye, THAT we have granted, and by these Presents do grant Licence and Author- ity to George Ord Esq" Mariner, Commander of the Brig" called Retalia- tion of the Burthen of 90-Tons, or thereabouts, moimting fourteen Carriage Guns, and navigated by 100 Men, to fit out and set forth the said Brig" in a * For these partictilars I am indebted to Mrs. DeLancey Cleveland, of New York. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 5 July, 1907. 64 A. I^. Verrill — lielationH hetween Bermuda, etc. warlike Manner, and by and witb the said Brigantine and the crew thereof, by force of Arms, to attack, seize and take the Ships and other Vessels belonging to the Inhabitants of Great-Britain, or any of them, with the Tackle, Apparel, Furniture and Liulings, on the High Seas, or between high-water and low-water Marks, and to bring the same to some convenient Ports in the said Colonies, in Order that the Courts, which are or shall be there appointed to hear and deter- mine Causes civil and maritime, may proceed in due Form to condemn the said Captures, if they be adjudged lawful Prize ; the said George Ord having given Bond, with sufficient Sureties, that nothing be done by the said George Ord or any of the Officers, Mariners or Company thereof contrary to, or inconsistant with the Usages and Customs of Nations, and the Instructions, a Copy of which is herewith delivered to him. And we will and require all our Officers whatso- ever to give Succour and Assistance to the said George Ord in the Premises. This Commission shall continue in force until the Congress shall issne Orders to the Contrary. By Order of the Congress. JOHN HANCOCK, President Dated at Philadelphia the 4't' day of Decem*- 1776. That the Assembly and people of Bevniii(la were fuH}^ justified in their quarrels with Gov. Geo. James Bruere is obvious from the facts that are recorded in histor3'^, showing plainly his tyrannical charac- ter and merciless disposition. Doubtless there were multitudes of other grievances well known to his contemporaries.* It was under his regime that the disgraceful and fatal treatment of the American prisoners of war. took place, and for which he was, no doubt, mainly responsible. The privateers took large numbers of prisoners. They were crowded into the small unsanitary jail at, St. George's, till the con- ditions became too horrible to relate. f Consequently a malignant "jail fever" broke out in the jail, exentualh'^ spreading, in lVVO-80, over all the islands, causing untold suffering and hundreds of deaths, both among the natives and prisoners. * Debates of the Assembly were not open to the public till 1784 ; the first newspaper. The Bermuda Gazette, was started Jan., 1784, under Gov. Brown. fSee "The Bermuda Is.," ed. I, p. 104. 4 ^^0 TRANSACTIONS OF I HE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY Of ARTS Ar>fD SCIENCES Incoui'Okatru a. D. ,17'J'J VOLUME XIII. PP. 65-87 AUGUST, 1907 Publications of Yale University MATURATION OF THE EGG OF THE WHITE MOUSE KY WILLIAM B. KIRKHAM NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1907 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR PRESS III. — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. By William B. Kirkham. Table of Contents. , I. — Literature relating to the Mam- II. — The Egg, etc. — Continued. malian Ovum. First Polar Body. II. — The Egg of the Mouse. ^ Ovulation. Material and Method. Fertilization. Breeding Season. Second Polar Body. Mature Ovum. III. — Summary. First Polar Spindle. IV. — Bibliography. I. — TAterature relating to the Mammalian Ovum. So far as known, the first person to discover the cleavage stages in any mammalian egg was R, de Graaf (i678), and subsequent to his researches no further investigations in this line are met with until 1797, when an Englishman, William Cruikshank, published "Experiments in which," to quote the quaint title, "on the third Day after Impregnation, the Ova of Rabbits were found in the fal- lopian Tubes ; and on the fourth day after Impregnation, in the uterus itself ; with the first Appearances of the Foetus." Cruik- shank noted some rabbit's eggs before cleavage, a few at the two- celled stage, and some very young embryos. The discovery of the ovarian eggs of mammals was made by K- E. von Baer ('27, '28), who also observed some cleavage stages in eggs of the rabbit, dog, and pig. However, the study of mammalian cytology, as such, maj^ be said to date from the work of an English doctor, Martin Bany, who, in 1838-39, published two papers in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, the first dealing with the ovarian eggs of rabbits, and the second with the growth and discharge of these eggs from the ovar}^ Bany figures ovarian eggs of various animals, including not only the rabbit, but the hog, sheep, ox, dog, cat, and tiger, having been presented with some ovaries of the last-named animal by the com- parative anatomist, Richard Owen. He found that the time of ovu- lation varied in the rabbit, but is commonly from 9 to 10 hours after copulation. Then follows a series of investigations on the eggs of the rabbit, dog, guinea-pig, and deer, by Bischoff ('42, '45, '52, '54). This worker was the first to announce that fertilization consists of a physi- Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 6 August. 1907. 66 TT''. B. K'h'khani — Maturation of the Egg of the While Mouse. cal inHuence of the spermatozoon upon the egg, such influence being at first limited to tlie germinal vesicle. In the rabbit he distinguished a large number of cleavage stages, while in the dog he made the fundamental observation that the Qo^'g at the time of heat lies in the Fallopian tube, ovulation being here independent of copulation. His studies on the ^gg of the guinea-pig established the fact that in this animal the eggs mature just after parturition. Only a few stages of the deer's ^gg were seen by Bischoff, but he found that the eggs in the Fallopian tube have their development arrested dur- ing the winter. Reichert ('6l) also studied the ii<^g of the guinea-pig, and found, as Bischoff ('52) had observed, that while these animals are in heat immediately after parturition, ovulation takes place only after coitus, Weil ('73) worked with rabbit's eggs, and found that these animals, like guine9.-pigs, are in heat immediately after parturition. This observer was probably the first to perceive both the male and female pronucleus in a mammalian o.^^. Van Beneden ('75) was the first investigator to undertake histo- logical studies by systematically examining a large number of mammalian eggs. In the %gg of the rabbit he noted the disap- pearance of the germinal vesicle and the formation of two polar bodies as essential maturation phenomena, and after an exhaustive investigation of fertilization processes, in the course of which he saw spermatozoa with their heads in the surface of the Q^g.^ he came to the conclusion that fertilization consisted of the minolincr of the substance of the spermatozoon with the outer layer of cyto- plasm. This statement is surprising in view of the fact that van Beneden observed both the male and the female pronucleus, their conjugation, and the cleavage nucleus, as well as numerous cleavage stages. Hensen ('76) confirmed Bischoff's observation that in rabbits and guinea-pigs the animals are in heat immediately after parturition, but he found that ovulation does not always take place at this time. He saw living spermatozoa, and witnessed their passage through the zona pellucida. In ISTO, three investigators, Benecke, Eimer and Fries, published papers on the eggs of bats. They each found living spermatozoa in the uterus, and in some cases also in the Fallopian tube, while the animals were hibernating ; but Benecke claimed that ovulation and fertiliziition take place in the S2)ring of the year. After study- ing the eggs of certain bats, however, van Beneden and Julin ('80) I ( TV. B. Kirkham — Maturation of the Ecjg of the White Mouse. 67 stated that the eggs leave the ovary during the winter (Decem- ber to February) and are at once fertilized, but onh^ begin to seg- ment in March or April. These workers further found that each Q^& commonly formed three polar bodies, and they saw both pro- nuclei and a few early cleavage stages. Van Beneden ('99) has since continued his study of the bat's ^^^^ and has noted all the important cleavage stages. Van Beneden ('80) described some late stages in the development of the rabbit's Q^^., and also made the important observations that the female pronucleus comes from the germinal vesicle and that the chromatin of the polar bodies has the same origin. Rein ('83), working with the eggs of rabbits and guinea-pigs, observed in the latter the pronuclei in different stages of develop- ment and conjugation, as van Beneden ('75) had previously described for the rabbit. He also discovered that the formation of both polar bodies takes place within the ovary, and mistakenly considered that the female pronucleus, as well, was formed there. Flemming ('85) found in the rabbit some ovarian eggs which had extruded the first polar body, — an observation confirmed the same year by Bellonci. Selenka ('86) described some eggs of the opossum, ranging from two- to eighteen-celled stages. They were found in the upper part of the uterus. Heape ('86) worked on the Qg& of the European mole. He was unable to follow the formation of the polar bodies, but observed the two pronuclei, two- and four-celled stages, and the later cleavages up to the formation of the blastula. Keibel ('88) has described a two-celled stage of the European hedgehog's Q^Q,. The investigations which have yielded the most conclusive and extensive results, however, have been conducted upon the ^^^ of the mouse, — an qq^^ more favorable for detailed cytological study than that of almost any other mammal. The names connected with this work are those of Bellonci ('85), Tafani ('88, '89), Sobotta ('93, '94, '95, '99), and Gerlach (:o6). Bellonci states that, in the mouse, the first polar spindle is similar to that found in the eggs of invertebrates, and that it is formed from the germinal vesicle. He also saw some ovarian eggs accom- panied by the first polar body, the latter possessing a distinct mem- brane and lying under the zona. Tafani observed both the first and second maturation spindles, found first polar bodies associated with degenerating ovarian eggs, 68 W. JS. Kirkham — Maturation of the E(j(j of the White Mouse. and witnessed the formation of the second polar body (he found two associated with only one-fifth of the eggs). He also saw sper- matozoa entering the substance of the egg, the two pronuclei, the first cleavage s]iindle, and tlie principal later cleavage stages. Sobotta studied the egg of the mouse in great detail, from the end of the spireme through the cleavage stages. He found two polar bodies accompanying only one-tenth of the fertilized eggs, and assumed the suppression of the first polar spindle in the oth9r nine- tenths of the eggs matured. When the first polar body did occur, he observed that it was extruded within the ovary. Further refer- ences to Sobotta's valuable work will be given in connection with the discussion of the results of the writer's personal investigations, Gerlach has taken some preparations made at least as early as 1890, before the discovery of iron haematoxylin, and, after study- ing them has revived Tafani's theory that the presence of the single polar body, which he finds with three-quarters of the fertilized eggs, is due to the suppression of the second polar body, the second polar spindle degenerating within those eggs which are fertilized a com- paratively long time after leaving the ovary. Henneguy ('94) observed in the rat degenerating ovarian eggs which had extruded the first. polar body, — an observation confirmed by the writer, Assheton ('94) has reinvestigated the early stages of development of the rabbit, and seen stages extending from the union of the pronuclei through cleavage. Hubrecht ('96) succeeded in getting some eggs of an insectivore, Tupaja javanica, and noted the two pronuclei, a two-celled stage, and the ijrincipal later cleavage stages. He found two polar bodies. This same investigator (:02) has the honor of being the only man who obtained the mature eggs of any primate. He both describes and figures from Tarsias spectrum an egg with first polar body and second polar spindle, three eggs with male and female pronuclei, two of which show two polar bodies, as well as two-, four-, eight-, and sixteen-celled stages, besides the principal later cleavages. Van der Stricht (:0l) finds in the eggs of a bat, Vexperugo noetula, that the first polar body is extruded within the ovary, while the second is formed only after the ovum has been discharged into the Fallopian tube. In his later papers (:05, :o6) he notes a distinction in the form of chromosomes in the first and second polar spindles, and states that the first maturation spindle commonly appears in February or JNIarch, sometimes not until April, depending upon the temperature. Ovulation occurs some days or weeks later. Two W. B. Kirkham — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. - 69 polar bodies are always formerl, and the eggs leave the ovary with the first polar body and the second polar spindle fully formed. Marshall and Jolly (:05) have determined that in the bitch ovula- tion occurs independent of copulation. Rubaschkin (:05) finds that in the guinea-pig ovulation takes place a short time after pai'turition (not immediately after, as stated by both Bischoff ('52) and Reichert ('61) ), and is independent of coitus. The first polar body and the second polar spindle are formed within the ovary. The second polar body is always formed after the egg is fertilized, the spermatozoon entering the egg in the lower pavt of the Fallopian tube or in the upper end of the uterus. Eggs which fail to be fertilized degenerate with the second polar spindle. Heape (:05) has worked with rabbits, and finds that ovulation occurs about 10 hours after copulation, as stated by Barry ('39), but the eggs degenerate within the ovary if there is an insufticient supply of blood to that organ, or if the male is withheld during oestrus. According to this observer, maturation takes place about nine hours after copulation, two polar bodies being rapidly formed within the ovary. In this respect, the rabbit's Qgg is different from all other mammal qq-qs, thus far studied. If the buck is withheld from the doe during several consecutive periods of oestrus, most, if not all, of the older, and many of the younger, follicles undergo degeneration, and this may result in more or less persistent sterility. A survey of the literature therefore indicates that, while there are many variations as to the details of the process, all mammalian eggs which have beep carefully studied (with the exception of that of the mouse alone) agree with those of practically all invertebrates in the formation of two polar bodies. As a result of the foregoing studies, the Qg^^ of the mouse, although subjected to more extensive examination than that of any other mammal, seems to stand out sharply as an aberrant type, in that it has been said to form but a single polar body in from 75 to 90 per cent, of the eggs observed. With a view of determining the cytological nature of these apparenth^ abeiTant maturation processes, the writer has recently made further investigations on the egg of the white mouse, the results of which are described on the following jiages. II. — The Egg of the Mouse. Material and Method. — To obtain the material. for this series of investigations, the method used was as follows : During the active breeding season when the adult females, as a rule, are in heat every 70 W. B. Kirkham — Maturation of the Eg(/ of the White Mouse. 21 days, a large number of male and female white mice were placed together in a suitable cage, and the females then examined at fre- quent intervals for signs of pregnancy. As soon as such indications appeared, those females were mated, and close watch was kept for litters of young. The females were killed at various stages of pregnancy, careful records being kept of the exact time of parturi- tion. After being chloroformed the bodies were quickly opened, and the ovaries with the Fallopian tubes were cut out ; while in some instances these parts were used for the examination of living eggs, in others they were at once placed in a killing fluid. The kill- ing fluids used were strong and weak solutions of Flemniing, cor- rosive acetic acid, picro-acetic acid, and Zenker's mixture. For general work Zenker's mixture has given by far the best results, owing largely to the great rapidity with which it penetrates, and to its not blackening the tissues as do osmic mixtures. The strong solution of Flemming, and picro-acetic acid, are excellent for spindle fibers. Corrosive acetic acid gives fairly good results, while the weak solution of Flemming is decidedly unsatisfactory, owing to its poor penetration. After being killed and dehydrated, the tissues were imbedded in paraftine and sectioned •008"'"' thick. The sections were then aftixed to slides with Ma^'cr's albumen, and stained, for preliminary study, fifty slides at a time, with Delafield's haematoxylin and orange G. This method of staining is a simple process, but is all that is necessary to enable one to examine a series for karyokinetic figures ; when such were found the sections were decolorized with acid alcohol, and restained with Heidenhain's iron haematoxylin. The technique of obtaining living eggs is very simple, and the^^ were seen and studied by Tafani ('8o), although he makes no mention of the method used to obtain them. A female mouse is killed at the time when ovulation is thought to have taken place, tiie ovary and Fallopian tube are removed from the body, placed upon a glass slide on the stage of a dissecting microscope, freed, as far as possi- ble, from fat and connective tissue, and then gently teased up with fine needles until the eggs are seen to drop out. When found, the eggs can be transferred on the slide to the stage of a compound microscope for more detailed examination and study. Karyokinetic figures and nuclei can be brought out by the use of acetic-carmine. The results obtained have been briefly stated in a preliminar}^ paper (Kirkham '.0^), and a brief summary has appeared in Science (Coe and Kirkham, :07)- The ovaries of every mouse examined during W. B. Kirkliatn — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. 71 the height of the breeding season contained some eggs in which the first polar body had been ah'eady extruded and in which the spindle for the second polar mitosis was fully formed. A majority of the same ovaries revealed ovarian eggs at the end of the spireme or with the first polar spindle. The eggs observed in the Fallopian tube fall into two main groups: those which had not been fertilized, and which therefore retained the second polar spindle, — some being accompanied by the first polar body, but more without it — and those which had been fertilized. The latter show the entering sperma- tozoon and the cleavage stages. Sreeding Season. — Most animals, including man, which live in an artificial environment where there is an abundant supply of food the year round, have lost the habit, so common among wild animals, of being in heat only during limited periods of each year, and are capable of coming into heat at any season. Among domesticated animals, the white mouse is a good example of this characteristic, and both Tafani ('89) and Sobotta ('95) have found that, if kept warm during the cold months, it breeds more or less freely at all times. Sobotta ('95), however, found that white mice breed most actively from the beginning of March to the end of September, and in most animals, wild as well as domesticated, the sexual season or seasons occur during the warm luonths. Thus, Rubasclikin (:05) has found guinea-pigs to be most active sexually during August, September, and the beginning of October; Keibel ('99) states that deer are in heat at the end of July and the beginning of August : Rein ('83) finds that the period of heat for rabbits extends (at Strass- burg) from the end of March to the middle of Jul}^, and Eimer, Benecke, and Fries ('79) have determined that in bats the period of heat is in the autumn. The period of gestation in the white mouse was put down by Tafani ('89) as about 20 days, while Sobotta ('95) has determined that it is just 21 days. During the active breeding season, adult female white mice, as found by Sobotta ('95), are in heat a few hours after parturition, and the same is true of the guinea-pig, according to Rubasclikin (:o5)- The ovary of the white mouse measures about 2""° in diameter, is more or less spherical in shape, and is chiefly composed of large and small follicles, a mature follicle measuring about .35"" in diameter, A comparison of this oi'gan in the rat and the cat shows that the ovaries of these animals are ovoid in shape, and measure 3x5""" and 4x8"'", respectively. 72 W. B. Kirkham — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. The Mature Ovicm. — The e^^ of tlie mouse is as small as any known mammalian egg. A living ovarian ovum,, before the forma- tion of the first maturation spindle, measures .08"'"\, or a little less in diameter, and it contains a germinal vesicle with a diameter of .025"'"\ while this germinal vesicle may in turn possess one or two nucleoli with diameters of .OOS'""". Living eggs in the Fallopian tube, before cleavage, measure from .073 to 078""™ in diameter. Sobotta's statement that the egg of the mouse measures .059™'" in diameter is probably based upon his study of sections after the eggs had become shrunken through the action of the reagents used. The human egg, for comparison, is .165 to .170""" in diameter, that of the cat measures .2"'™, or a little less, while the egg of the rabbit is .116™"* in diameter. Figure 1. — Camera drawing of a living egg soon after its discharge into the Fallopian tube ; showing the zona pellucida made up of an inner, thinner, and dense layer, and an outer, thicker, gelatinous layer. The cytoplasm of the egg is coarsely gi'anular except at one spot, which indicates the position of the second polar spindle. This egg has not retained the first polar body. x880. The zona pellucida. surrounding a tube Qgg in the mouse usually has a thickness of about .016"'™, but it may stretch out to .036""". It is made up of a denser inner layer, with a thickness of about .007™™, which is all ihat appears around ovarian eggs, and an outer layer of less dense but perfectly homogeneous substance (Text-figs. 1-3). After being killed and dehydrated, the zona appears ver}- much shrunken (PI. YIII, fig. 16), which probably accounts for Sobotta's statement that the Qgg of the mouse is envelo|)ed in the thinnest known mammalian zona pellucida, which has a thickness of .0019 to .0015™™. In the mouse this membrane lacks the radical striations or canals which have given it the name of zona radiata. W. B. KirkJiam — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. 73 When the egg of the mouse has grown to full size, the chromatin is scattered through the germinal vesicle, and from this stage to the prophases of the first maturation spindle no observations have been made on any mammalian egg ; hence it is not known whether there is a pairing of paternal and maternal chromosomes, such as occurs in the invertebrates. First Polar Spindle (Pis. I-Il, fig^. 1-4, Text-fig. 4). — The observa- tion of the prophases of the first maturation spindle is confined to the egg of the mouse, a few such stages having been seen by the writer (PI. I, fig. l). A small number of cases showed faint traces of the nuclear membrane, but more often this had entirely disap- Figiire 2. — Camera drawing of a living egg soon after its discharge into the Fallopian tube ; showing the two layers of the zona pellucida. The position of the second polar spindle within the egg is shown by the clearer area in the cytoplasm near the polar body. This egg has retained the first polar body, and a space filled with fluid appears around it. x ;j30. peared. In this connection it is important to note that no asters such as are seen in eggs of invertebrates are visible at this time. The chromosomes at this stage vary greatly in size and shape, and they number between 12 and 24, which is probably due to preco- cious division. As shown in the figure, the germinal vesicle at the end of the spireme is eccentrically placed. At what time the asters and centrioles make their appearance in the mammalian egg is not known, and their definite origin has not become well established even in the eggs of invertebrates. There is, therefore, a considerable gap between PI. I, fig. 1, where there is no indication of any karyokinetic figure, and PI. I, fig. 2, where a 74 W. JB. Kirhham — Maturation of the Egg of the White 3fouse. fully formed spindle with the chromosomes in the equatorial plate is seen. Bellonci ('85) describes the first ])olar spindle in the eirgs of mice and guinea-pigs as exactly like that found in the eggs of inver- tebrates, and he occasionally saw faint traces of aster-fibers at the ends of the spindle. The first polar spindle is formed from the germinal vesicle, which, as mentioned above, is eccentrically placed within the agg at the end of the spireme, and, as described by Sobotta ('95) in the egg, of the mouse, and by Rubaschkin (105) in the Qgg of the guinea-pig ; this spindle lies at first in a position at right Figure ■■). — Camera drawing of a living egg in the Fallopian tube soon after fer- tilization ; showing the two differentiated layers of the zona pellucida. The finely granular portion of the egg indicates the position of the pro- nuclei. Both polar bodies have been retained by the egg, the larger one at the right being the first polar body : around them appears a space filled with fiuid. X 3:^0. Figure 4.— Ovarian egg ; showing first jDolar spindle in paratangential position. The chromosomes are in most instances bivalent. Note centrioles at foci of spindle, x 675. angles to the radius of the egg, and near the surface. The chro- mosomes still vary greatly in size and shape, but are never filiform (Text-fig. 5), and generally lie with their long axes coincident with that of the spindle. The number of chromosomes in the first jjolar spindle agrees with that above noted at the end of the spireme, being between 12 and 24. At the foci of the first maturation spindle, centrioles consisting of one or more tinj' eccentrically placed granules have often been observed, and similar bodies have been seen at this stage by van der Stricht (:o6) in the eggs of Vesperugo noctula. W. B. Kirkham — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. 75 No radiations from these, however, such as have been described by Bellonci ('85) for the mouse q^^ and b}'- van der Stricht (:o6) for a bat's egg, have been seen by the writer. As might be expected from its larger chromatin content, this spindle is usually longer and broader than the second, a point noticed by Gerlach (:o6), but it varies in size at different periods of development. The first matura- tion spindle is also larger than the second spindle in the eggs of most of the invertebrates. After remaining for a time in the paratangential position, one pole of the first maturation spindle moves toward the center of the qq^^ (PI. II, fig. 4), as seen by Sobotta ('95), while the other presses against the outer surface of the Q^^. These movements are prepar- atory to the extrusion of the first polar body. 4/ ^Vf Figure 5. — Diagram of chromosomes in first polar spindle of the ovarian egg shown in PI. I, fig. 2. On the right two large quadrivalent chromosomes are seen before splitting. To the left of these are three pairs of bivalent chromosomes, which have completely separated, while near the middle of the figure occurs another quadrivalent chromosome. At the left of the diagram are seen eight additional chromosomes differing greatly in size, while four more similar masses of chromatin appear in adjacent sections. First Polar Body (PI. Ill, figs. 5-6).— The first polar body in the %^g of the mouse, as far as observed by the writer, is always formed within the ovary in every ^^^, which matures. A large num- ber of eggs in different ovaries have been examined, and in every instance where the size of the ^^^., its slightly denser protoplasm, and the large follicle gave evidence of ripeness, the Q^'g was found to be accompanied by the first polar body. This agrees with the observations of Bellonci ('85), and with Sobotta's idea regarding ten per cent, of the eggs, which he believed formed two polar bodies; it is also in accord with the work of van der Stricht (:0I, :o6) on the ^^^ of Vesperugo noctula, and that of Rubaschkin (:05) on the egg of the guinea-pig. In the mouse the first polar bod}' is oval in form when seen in sections which have been killed and stained, but in life it is more apt 76 W. B. Klrkham — Maturation of the Eyg of the 'White Motise. to be spherical (Text-figs. 2-3). It is larger than the second polar body, and commonlj' measures from .022 to .028""° in diameter, although the limits of variation are sometimes much greater than these. Sobotta's statement that the first polar body in the mouse measures only from .002 to .003""" in its larger diameter, is almost cei'tainly based upon killed and stained material, while the figures here given are the average of a large number of measurements of living eggs. According to Rubaschkin (:o5), the guinea-pig has polar bodies which measure from .012 to .01 7'""^ in diameter, and the egg of this animal is practically of the same size as that of the mouse. The chromatin content of the first polar body consists of a vary- ing number of masses, most of which are undivided dyads, com- monly scattered through the cytoplasm, but sometimes in a spindle (PI. VII, fig. 15), as seen by Tafani ('89) and Sobotta ('95) in the Figure 6. — Ovarian egg ; showing abnormal tri- polar spindle, x 675. Q^^ of the mouse, by van der Stricht (104) in a bat's ^^^^ and by Rubaschkin (:05) in the Q^g2, of the guinea pig. Some of those polar bodies which possess fully formed spindles would probably have divided mitotically, and this is presumably the explanation of the three polar bodies commonly found by van Beneden and Julin ('80) accompanying bat's eggs. In PI. IV, fig. 8, an q^^ is shown whose first polar body exhibits the telophase of mitosis; in PI. IV, fig. 9, an example is given where the protoplasm of the jDolar body is beginning to divide. The first polar body varies considerably in size in different eggs, and in one series of ovarian eggs there are two with first polar bodies of about four times the average volume (PI. IV, fig. 7). Two abnormal ovarian eggs have been seen (Text-figs. G-7) bear- ing a striking resemblance to two observed by Rubaschkin (:05) in W. B. Kirhham — Maturation of the Eg a of the White Mouse. 77 the guinea-pig (figs. 5 and 7 of his paper). In one there is a tri- polar spindle, and in the other two separate spindles, lying at opposite poles of the egg. The latter may be due to the fact that this egg possessed two nuclei. Still another abnormality is an egg (Text-fig. 8), Avhich, from its position near the center of the ovary, is almost surely degenerating, whose first polar body has formed a resting nucleus. In all probability resting nuclei occur normally in the first polar body only in those very rare cases where the mitotic division is complete, and each part gathers its chromatin into such a form. Figure 7. — Ovarian egg ; showing two spindles, — an abnormal condition. This egg may have had two nuclei, x 675. Figure 8. — Ovarian egg whose position in the interior of the ovary and the presence of its sister eggs in the Fallopian tube indicate a degenerate condi- tion. Within the egg appear the second polar spindle, and above it the first polar body, with an abnormal resting nucleus, x 675. Plate V, fig. 11, shows an ovarian egg which is unusual in that it has no zona pellucida, the egg and first polar body lying free in the liquor folliculi. This condition is probably due to the solvent action of the killing fluid, as mentioned by Rubaschkin (:05), since all the ovarian eggs in this series are likewise naked, Second Polar Spindle (Pis. III-IV, figs. 5-9). — Immediately after the constricting off of the first polar body, the 12 dj^ads left in the egg are drawn into the equator of a new spindle, and split longitudinally. The second polar spindle is formed in a position at right angles to the radius of the egg, as described by Tafani ('89), and usually lies near the first polar body. It is smaller than the first > ir. /;. hukh>un—Matiiri£r, a.id by van der Striclit (-.06) in the egg of V. noctula, but tlie di'tfrminini; ( luiracteiistic is its chromatin content. The 24 uiiivak'iit chromosomes (Text-tig. 9) resulting from the split- ting Iciiglhcu (Mil int.) lilaments of various sizes, the form of which furnishes a certain means of distinguishing this spindle from the first i>olar spin. Kirkhitm — J/dturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. 3. 'J'wclve masses of cliromatin are cast out willi the first ])olar body, and a like iiiunber remain in the e^^g. 4. Tliere is a sharp distinction in form between tlie cliromosomes of the first and those of the second polar spindle. 5. Before fertilization, every Qgg in the Fallopian tube possesses a second polar spindle. (i. The zona ])ellucida, which is (juite distinct, ma}' persist, undi- minished, through tlie early cleavage stages. In most cases the first ])olar body escapes- from it during the process of ovulation, so that tlie majority f>i eggs after fertilization possess the second jiolar bod}' only. 7. During tlie sjtriiig months ovulation usuall}^ occurs every 21 days within a few hours after parturition, and independent of copu- lation. 8. The numl)er of univalent chromosomes in the second polar spindle is 24. n. The second polar body is formed only after the ogg has been fertilized. 10. The first and second polar bodies differ greatl}^ in chromatin content, so that they are easily distinguishable. The}' also differ in size, and usually in shape. 1 1. At least the greater part of the sperm tail, if not the whole, enters the egg at the time of fertilization. 1 2. Since the egg of the mouse forms two polar bodies, its maturation processes are in accord with those of the majority of metazoon eggs. IV. BIBLIOGRAPHY. Assheton, R. '94. A reinvestigation into the early stages of development of the rabbit. Quart. Jouni. Mic. Sc, Vol. 37. Baev, K. E. von. '28. Uber Entwicklmigsgeschichte der Thiei'e-Beobachtung und Reflexion. I. Kouigsberg. '37. II. Konigsberg. Barry, M. '38. Researches in Embryology. First Series. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. Loudon. '39. Second Series. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. London. Belloaci, O. '85, Del fuso direzionale e della formazione di un globulo polare nell' ovialo ovarico di alcvmi mammiferi. Atti R. Accad. Line. (4) Rendicont., Vol. 1, Fasc. 9. W. B. Kirkham — Maturation of the Egg of the White Mouse. 83 Benecke, B. '79. Ueber Reifung iind Befniclitung des Eies bei den Fledermausen. Zool. Auzeiger, Bd. II. Beneden, E. van. '75. La maturation de I'oenf, la fecondation, et les premiers phases dii develoijpement embryonnaire des mammiferes d'apres des re- cherches faites chez le Lapin. Communication preliminaire. Bull. d. L'Acad. R. d. Belgiqxie, t. XL, No. 12. '80. Rechercbes sur I'embryogenie des mammiferes. — La formation des feuillets cbez le Lapin. Arcb. d. Biol., t. 1. '99. Recliercbes sur les premiers stades du developpement du Murin (Ves- pertilio muriuus). Anat. Anzeiger, Bd. 16. and Julin, Ch. '80. Observations sur la maturation, la fecondation et la segmentation de I'oeuf cbez les Cbeiropteres. Arcb. d. Biol., t. 1. Bischoff, H. L. W. '42. Entwicklungsgescbicbte des Kanincbeneies. Brannscbweig. '42, Entwicklungsgescbicbte des Menscben und der Saugetbiere. Leipzig. '45. *Entwieklungsgescbicbte des Hundeeies. Brannscbweig. '52. *Entwicklungsgescbicbte des Meerscbweincbens. Giessen. '54. *Ent\vicklungsgescbicbte des Rebes. Giessen. '66. *Neue Beobacbtungen zur Entwicklungsgescbicbte des Meerscbwein- cbens. Abbandl. d. K. Bayr. Akad., Miincben. '84. *Beweis der von der Regattung xinabbangigen periodiscben Reifung und Loslosung der Eier der Saugetbiere und des Menscben als der ersten Bedingung ibrer Fortpflanzung. Giessen. Burckhard, G. :oi. Die Implantation des Eies der Mans in die Uterusscbleimbaut und die Umbildung derselben zur Decidua. Arcb. f. Mikr. Anat., Bd. 57. Coe, W. R., and Kirkham, W. B. '.07. Tbe Maturation of the Mouse Egg. Science, Vol. XXV. ./•■ f}^ Cruikshank, W. 1797. Experiments in^wbicb, on tbe tbird Day after Impregnation, tbe Ova of Rabbits were found in tbe Fallopian Tubes ; and on tbe fourtb day after Impregnation in the Uterus itself ; with tbe first Appear- ances of tbe Foetus. Phil. Trans. R. Soc. London. Elmer, Tli. '79. Ueber die Fortpflanzung der Fledermause. Zool. Anzeiger, Bd. II. Flemming, W. '85. Ueber die Bilding von Ricbtungsfiguren im Saugetbierei beim Unter- gang Graaf'scber FoUikel. Arch. f. Anat. u. Physiol. Anat. Abtbeil. '79. *Ueber die Fortpflanzung der einbeimiscben Chiropteren. Gottinger Nacbricbten. * Cited from Sobotta ('95) ; f cited from Nagel, Das menscblicbe Ei. Arcb. f. Mikr. Anat., Bd. 31 ('98) ; % cited from Zool. Jahr. ('99). 84 W. B. Kirkham — Mattiration of the E(j(j of the White Mouse. Cierldch, L. :o6. Ueber die Bildung der Richtungskoiper bei Mus musculus. Berg- mann, Wiesbaden. Gritif, n. t' "liumble servant." In searcbiiig in Normandy for writers who lived in the i>eriod under discussion, one's attention is at once drawn to Eloy d'Amerval, the author of " La Grande Deablerie." A comparison of the places of residence and periods of activity, however, of this writer and of Eloy du Mont shows the improbability of the two being identical. "La (Ti-aiide Deablerie" was printed in 1.508, and contains a "priv- ilege " which implies that the author, at that time, was advanced in 3'ears : " De Maitre Eloy d'Amerval, sans doubtance, Venerable Prestre, plein de prudence." Both the known productions of our author are in the third decade of the sixteenth century. We know, from the authority of Du Verdier,' and from Parfaict' that Elo)'- d'Amerval was a priest in the village church at Bethune ; Eloy du Mont, from his own statement, lived in Caen, and he was not a priest, because in the dedication of " La Resurrection " (fol. 2, verso, line 14), he mentions his wife. Eloy du Mont was a teacher in Caen, where he speaks of teaching his "petitz escoliers," and in his poems, announces the fact that the "Poesies" are " Non composez de jacobins ou carmes Mais d'escol- liers, domesticques arays." The term " petitz escoliers " leads one to believe that he was not an instructor in the University of Caen but in a school of lower grade. Furthermore, an examination of the de))artmental archives of Calvados does not show his name on the University roll.^ Our manuscript is not dated, but from evidence furnished by the text we conclude that it was written towards the end of the third decade of the sixteenth century. In the "Dizain de Fiance et Italic" (fol. 47, recto), we find the following personal reference : Italiens ont moult France eniioblie De deux grandz biens, de la langue latine, D'un aultre bien qui vault qu'on ne I'oublie, C'est de la sage et tresnoble daulphine. Catherine de Medicis married Henry II in 1533, but Henry did not become "dauphin" until the death of his older brother P^rancis, in 1536. Three passages which we find imply that the "Poesies" were written in times of peace ; fol. 1, verso (I): 1 Du Verdier Bibl. fr. II. p. 325. - Parfaict Freres, Hist, du th. fr., II, p. 219. •'* Archives d^partmentales, Calvados. S^rie D, University de Caen. D. H. Carnnhan — Mahtre Eloy dn Mont, diet (Jonfe'iitin. 98 Pavfaict en France est l'escrii)t propheticque, Justice et Paix se baisent au diet lieu. (II) Justice, Iniquite corrompt, Et Paix a Guerre le col romp, fol. 10, recto (XI); " Franci, Francisco, felices pace fruuntur." The third war between Francis I and Charles V lasted from 153G until the truce of Nice in 15.38, after which ensued a peace of four years duration. If we give weight to the above rather uncertain refer- ences, the present work was written between the years 1538 and 1542. By way of summary, and with the addition of a few facts obtained from the text, we may say that the work under consideration was written about 1538 by Eloy du Mont, a layman living in the city of Caen. He was a teacher in a boys' school, and was assisted in the production of his text by several of his pupils. The work was dedicated to the king Francis I, in recognition of a gift made to the author, possibly as a reward for the production of the mystery of " La Resurrection," represented during one of the king's trips to Normandy. The poet was skilled in Latin, but if we may judge from his own statements, he preferred writing in Fi'ench, a language in whose poetical forms he was well versed, and which was more popular at court than the Latin.' Much more accessible is information as to the life of Faust Andre- lin, whose Latin distichs, together with their translations and appen- dices, occupy twenty-seven folios of the manuscript. In the " Dic- tionaire historique" of Moreri is found the following biography, to which I have joined, in the form of notes, a few additional facts obtained from the " Bibliotheque f ran9oise " of Du Yerdier : — Andrelinus (Publius Faustus), natif de Forli en Italic, excella dans la poesie des sa jeunesse, et merita a I'age de vingt-deux ans la couronne de laurier, que I'academie de Rome donnoit a ceux qui avoient reussi. Ce f ut sa piece poetique, intitulee " Livia " qui remporta ce prix. II vint a Paris, oil il fut long-temps professeur en poesie, en rhetorique, et en sphere dans I'universite, sous les regnes de Charles VIII et de Louis XII." II y publia en 1490 son ' See "Les Poesies," fol. 12, verso, and "La Resurrection," folios 1, recto and 2, verso). - Du Verdier, I, p. 567 ; Le Roi. Louis XII, en consequence d'un voeu qu'il fit h. la sainte Hostie de Dijon, pendant une lualadie qu'il eut, en 1505, ayant recoixvre sa sante, envoya, en reconnoissance, k la Chapelle Royale, ou cette Hostie est conservee, la propre Couronne, qu'il avoit portee a Reims, le jour de son Sacre ; sur quoi Fauste ayant fait douze vers Elegiaques, le Roi lui donna, pour recompense, un Canonicat k Bayeux. (M. de la Monnoye.) ii 1 />. //. Carnahan — Maistre JEloy du Mont, diet Costent'nt. poi'nif (livise en quatre livres, intitule Livia, clu iiom de sa maitresse, et fiistiite trois livres d'elegies. Apres avoir pris la qualite de ))oete coiiroiiiu', il prit celle de " po6ta regius et reginaeus," poete du roi Louis XII, et de la reine Anne de Bretagne. II y a encore douze eglognes de lui, imprimees en 1546. II ne s'est pas contente de faire des vers, il :i iiussi ecrit en prose des lettres morales et proverbiales, doiit on a fait line edition a Strasbourg en 1517 ; Beatus Rlienanus y a joint une preface, dans laquelle il les loue excessivement. Ces lettres ont ete augnientees par Jean Arboreus, theologien de Paris. Quelques-unes des poesies d'Andrelinus ont ete traduites en fran- 9ois )>ar nn ]>oete de Paris, qui s'appelloit Estienne Prive. Cette traduction (pii parut Tan 1004, n'est propre qu'a faire niepriser I'original. Jean Paradin' avoit deju mis en fraM9ois une centaine des distiques qu'Andrelinus avoit dedies h, Jean Ruze, tresorier des finances de Charles VIII.° Les poesies d'Andrelinus ont ete inserees dans le premier tome des " Delices des poetes Italiens." On a juge assez diflFeremment. II faisoit des vers avec beaucoup de facilite ; les termes en sont magnifiques, mais ils sont vuides de sens. II mourut pendant I'liiver de 1519, avaut paque, c'est-a-dire 1519, suivant le ealcul romain. Eloy du ]Mont is a careful writer in comparison to the Dther poets of his time ; his ballads, rondeaus and other poetical compositions are all regular in construction and his versification is correct. The examples of verse which are found in this collection are valuable in the stud}' of the poetry of the sixteenth centur}^ on account of the evident exactness of his views in regard to the rules of composition, and the consistency with which he adheres to them. The following kinds of French poetry are found in the manuscript : 1. Six dizains, 10-syll. Four have the rime-order (ababccdede), and two (ababbccdcd). 2. Three ballads, S-sj'll., 8-8-8-4, (ababbcbc), (abab). In two of the ballads, the initial letters of the lines form the words, " Fran5ois de Valois." ' Du Yerdier, II, p. 487 ; Jean Paraditi, de Lonhans, a eci-it en rime, nn Livre intitule Micropedie, contenant cent Quatrains, qui font les cent distiques de Fauste ; Dialogues, etc. — le tout imprime k Lyon, in-8°, par .Jean de Tournes, 1546, et k Paris, in-16°, par Estienne Groulleau, 1547. ■ Du Verdier, I. p. 567 : — La tradiiction de Paradin, est plutot une Para- phrase, qii'iine Traduction .... Ecienue Prive s'est assujetti a rendre les Distiques vers pour vers, au lieu que Paradin les a rendus par Quatrains. La Traduction d'Estienne Prive, qnoique plus precise, n'est pas plus estimee que celle de Paradin. Voy. la Bibliotheque Franyoise de M. L'Abbe Goujet, tome VIII, p. 15 et la Bibliotheque Curieuse de Climent, tome I, p. 3'^2. D. II. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy dn Mont, diet Costentiu. 95 3. Three rondeaus, 10-syll., 5-3-5 (aabba), (aab), (aabba). The words which begin line one are repeated after lines eight and thirteen. 4. One huitain, 8-s)^ll. " Rimes plates." 5. One chant royal ("Champ Royal"), 10-syll. Five stanzas, of eleven lines each, with an envoy of six lines (ababbccdede), (aababa). Refrain, " Le Champ Royal en troys liz d'or plante." 6. One " oraison," 8-syll. Eight stanzas (abab), except stanza IV (aabb). 7. Two quatrains, 8-syll. (aabb). 3Iiscellaneous French poetry : 1. Translation of the Latin poem, " Aenigma de lilio." Forty lines, 10-syll. " Rimes plates." 2. Dedication to the king. One hundred and forty-two lines, 10-syll. " Rimes plates." 3. Dialogue, "Roy, Charite, Foy, Heretique, Dyable. Each speaker has two lines. " Rimes plates," 8-syll. 4. Appendices to the Latin distichs. One hundred and sixty-five French distichs, 10-syll.' " Rime riche " is used almost entirely by the poet, and the examples of leonine rime are very abundant. There are many cases of overflow verse. From the large number of " rimes equivoques," lit is evident that the author endeavored to use them as frequently as possible. Some of the most striking of these rimes are : (1, verso), maintient : la main tietit, prophetic davidique : david diH que., corronipt : le colrompt ; (7, verso), je devaloys : Fran9ois de Valoys, soubz France : sou f ranee, via part tient : xn!appartient ; (11, verso), bumb/(? vallet : le valloit, aidx dieux : odieux, lesqueilz avez : scavez, (14, vei'so), amys : a mys, avant age : dCavantacje, rondeaulx : rondz d''eaulz ; (18, verso), amer : Vamer ; (-23, recto), (Venvie : en vie ; (36, recto), le corbeaii : le corps beau ; (45, verso), parler -.par Vair. The following rimes are of interest from the point of view of pronunciation : (3, recto), ateste : texte, dextre : croistre ; (3, verso), droicte : extraicte ; (3, recto), congnoistre : dextre; (5, verso), estre : paroestre ; (7, verso), monde : habunde, regne : Royne ; (9, recto), vouloir : voller ; (11, verso), memoire : encore, parler : vouloir ; (42, verso), ce)>tre : dextre ; (45, verso), parler: par I'air, valletz : valoys. (Syllabification.) Our author, the same as the other writers of his time, employs various forms of hiatus which are forbidden by modern rules. He differs from many of his contemporaries, however, ^ For the titles of the Latin selections, see the table of contents, p. 89. 96 JK II. Curnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. ill tlie fact that when lie accepts a ceitain syllable-value for a com- bination of vowels, he does not change this value to meet the exi- gencies of the verse. As a consequence of this exactness of usage, the definite syllable-value of certain groups of vowels is clear. In his lines of ten syllables, he uses the " cesure ordinaire,'" and in the forty cases in which we find tlie feminine cesura, with the fourth syllable of the line accented, the following word begins with a vowel. No examples of lyi'ic cesura are found. A few of the questions to be considered in a study of the manner of counting syllables at this epoch, may be illustrated by examples from tlie.se poems : 1. Hiatus. Frequent, with no cdses of sjMialepha : planta en (2, verso), ordonne a (2, verso), clerge et (4, recto). Flora et (1), verso), beaulte admirable (9, verso), macquereau est (19, verso), volupte est (21, recto), volupte incline (25, verso), norame en (12, recto), a en (10, verso), a on (18, recto). 2. Final mute e, followed by a word which begins with a vowel, never counts as a s^dlable, although, in a few cases, the elision is not indicated, as : Que a (11, verso), Je iinploreray (13, verso), que ung (14, recto). Sometimes the elision is graphically represented by raising the "e" above the line and closing the gap. 3. Final "es," followed by a word which begins with a vowel, counts as a separate syllable ; estes en, 3-syll. (13, recto). Princes et, 3-syll. (14, recto), fleuves y, 3-syll. (18, recto), tumbes au, 3-s\-ll. (21, recto), lignes et, 3-syll. (42, recto). 4. The verbal ending " oient " counts as one syllable ; auroient (4, recto), croiroient (V, recto), excedoient (9, recto), soient (13, verso). 5. The ending " ier," in verbs, counts as two syllables ; other- wise, as one syllable. Ex.: two syllables, attedier (12, verso), dedier (12, verso), marier (29, recto); one syllable, ouvrier (3, recto), familiers (12, recto), louvrier (13, verso), descolliers (14, verso), entier (16, verso), mestier (16, verso). 6. Final " ieux " counts as one syllable in the stem of a Avord, but as two syllables in the ending. Ex.: one syllable in inieulx (1, verso), lieu (2, verso), Dieu (2, verso) ; two syllables in spacieux (2, verso), gratieuse (9, verso), furieux (38, recto). In rime-words, we find: trespreciei/a; (2-syll.) : cieulx (1-syll.); jyieu (1 syll.): oA\eiix (2- 85^1.). V. Final " ion " counts as two syllables ; nation (3, recto), dona- tion (3, recto), region (44, verso). ' See A. Tobler, " Le Vers fran^ais, ancien et moderue," p. 112. D. H. Carnahan — 3/aistre Eloy da Mont, diet Costentin. 97 8. The group " ien " counts. as one syllable in: treschretien (1, verso), convjent (4, recto), conribien (9, recto), entretiendra (SY, verso), tient (41, recto), souvienne (4*7, recto) ; as two syllables in chresti- ente (3, verso), anciens (15, verso), Venitiens (25, recto), science (33, verso), Italiens (47, verso),, terriens (38, verso), I'inipatient (24, verso). 9. The word " je," as enclitic, counts as a separate syllable unless followed by a word beginning with a vowel, in which case it is elided. Ex.: prendray je (13, verso), Dis je (13, verso), doy je estre (5, verso), ay je encore (11, verso). 10. The group " ou " + "i" or "e" counts as two syllables; "u" + "i" counts as one. Ex.: ouyr (33, verso), louenge (5, verso), nuyr (9, recto), fu3n-ont (23, verso). 11. The following count as one syllable : cie\, dyable, requ/ert, vi'ellesse, v^'eil, superfluite, amitie, paroestre, oesivete, lum^^ere, man- s?. //. ('arnahan — JLdstre Eloy da Jfont, diet Costentin. YjI toii>sjours est ; vostre peuple oraison Faict que soyez de tout nial exempte, A vous, Roy, seul convient, selon raison, Le cliamp royal, en troys liz d'or plante. IV. — DizAix op: t/intekpretation des armes de France. Des rieui's de liz, auz roys fran5oys donnez, Le liault floron du melieu re])resente La fo}', les deulx, es costez ordonnez, Sont le clerge et noblesse, excellente, Qu'ont' iceulx roj's j^our la foy soustenir, Ce que tousjours ont voulu maintenir ; Troys fleurs de liz nous donneut a congnoistre Que verite, mansuetude et justice, Auroient vigueur en France par la dextre Du Roy Fran9oys, dont vraye avons notice. V. — Dizain sue " sicut lilium inter spinas.'" (4, verso) Coinme le liz, entre espines croyssant Hault eleve, les espines excede, Ainsi le Roy lilial, accroyssant Son bruyt et nom, les aultres roys precede. L'asperite des espines iie blesse En rien le liz ; tout ainsi la noblesse Et vray vouloir du Roy (qui le liz porte), Blessez ne sont de poingnantz hereticques, Maiz contre iceulx la foy garde et supporte En obviant a leurs fainctes practicques.' VL — Rondeau sur la louenge et memore des bons, (6, recto) Avec louenge, en niemore doibt estre Memoria jnsti Le juste et droict (ainsy qu'on peult congnoistre cum landibus, t-, • ^ • ^\ • '• ^ ^ • Plover X "^^' "i^i'it escript); si juste est mon seigneur, Mon Prince ou Roy, avec plus grand honneur De luy, par moy, la louenge doibt croistre. ^ The elision in this word as well as elsewhere in the manuscript, is indicated by a small letter " e " raised just above the line. • Canticum Canticorum Solomonis, Cantio I, Cap. II, 2 ; " Sicnt lilium inter spinas, sic aniioa mea inter filias." •' This dizain is illustrated, on the following page, by a miniature of a lily- plant, with three full-blown lilies and two buds, interwoven sjTnmetrically with a thorn-bush. Tlie plant and bush are framed in a gold-pillared arch, with a light blue background, dotted with gold. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 101 Nomen impio- Le juste on doibt louer, le raaulvais mettre rum putrescat, -, ' , , ■ • . ^ z pruerbiorum ^'^■i ^^ oubly ; Si juste est done mon maistre X. Plus I'aymer doy, desirant son hon heur, Rectos decet coUaiidatio, psalmo, XXXII.' (6, verso) (7, recto) Avec louenge. Si exhortez sommes par saincte lettre Louer le juste, et justice a son estre Prins en mon Roy, doy je estre diet flateur Pour le louer? non, puys tout serviteur Au maistre doibt loyal tousjours paroestre, Avec louenge. VII. (A). Rex pins in fixo Franciscus cardine pistim Sustinet : liuie vitam suppeditabit Eros. Magni sub pedibus Regis cognosce Luterum Stratum ; cui demon praeparat insidias.^ (B.) Le Roy Fran9oys la foy soustient, D'oeuvres charite I'entretient, Le Roy marche sur I'heretieque, Pour I'avoir, le dyable practique. (c.) Le Roy. Au Luther le parler deffens Et la foy crestienne defens. Charite. Je tiens le coeur du grand Frangoys Avec les coeurs des bons Fran^oys. Foy. De mon estat je devaloys Sans le bon Fran9oys de Valoys. 1 Psalms XXXn, 1, ''Exultate, justi, in Domino; rectos decet collaudatio." - This quatrain refers to a half-page miniature of Francis I, scepter in hand, trampling under foot a writhing figure which represents Luther. To the right and left of the king are two female figures representing Faith and Charity. Charity is holding out a platter on which is seen one large red heart and three smaller ones ; she is pointing with her finger at the large heart. A small devil is crouching at one side of the group, and is stretching out towards Luther an iron rod with two hooks at the end. This miniature occupies the upper half of folio 6, verso. . 102 />. jr. <'.'everat hinc praedulcis amor, foelicia saecla Ridebant, variis vernantes floribus borti Liligeri, Ilesperiduin i)omaria conteranebant Ecce autem stridens Aquilo foelicibus aiiiiis Invidit, Florara que petens, quae libera dulci Oscula praebebaL sponso, pernicibus alls Advolat hostis atrox subito, cupidus que nocendi Lilia que et florum genitricem tiatibus urget Horrificis, ciet ille minas male percitus ira, Eumenides que vocat. Sed enini constanlia Divae Hac rabiem perpessa ten us, nil fracta furore est Aeolio quanquam occultum -epirantia virus (8, verso) Flarama concuterent pulclira cum prole parentem Hinc stimulos odio pudor admovet acrius inde Percitus invidia divara conjurat in ipsam Lilia que insequitur clarissima pignora matri At furit incassum, nam lilia perpetuum ver Lactea semper alit blandoque Favonius ore Aeternum aspirans florentes educat hortos. (b). — L'Enigme, cy devant escript, translate de latin en frangoys par le dict dlt mont, aultrement, costentin". Flora la belle, (aspirans les haultz dieux, Juno present), avec le gracieux Et doulx Zephire, bonnestement ornee, Conjoincte fut ; O I'beureuge journee ! Plusgrande paix que I'on ne pourrot dire Fut entre eulx deux ; doulce amitie, sans ire, Tousjours croissoit ; Flora, moult amoureuse, Beaulx liz produict de la semence heureuse Du doulx Zepbyre, et a ceste raison Creut leur amour ; lors heureuse saison (9, recto) S'esjouyssoit, les jardins tous couvertz De belles fleui-s et de beaulx liz ouvertz, Reraplis d'oudeur, et de puanteur vides ; * Trop excedoient des riches Hesperides Les beaulx jardins. A ceste doulce vie Et temps heureux Aquilo porte envye, Serchant Flora, qui franchement s'aisoit En son espoux et souvent le baisoit. 1U4 ]J. II. ('(trnafuin — JMuistre Kloy du Mont, diet Costentin. C'est ennyeux de miyre avant vouloir ; Vers cMilx oil voyt horriblement A^oller Par Koufttementz, poulsez de grand aspresse ; Les liz, avec Flora leur mere, presse En niennssant ; ])Our plus les esbausser A convoquu les Furies d'enfer. Mais de Flora la Constance et courage Virilenient a soustenu la rage De I'ennemy, sans quelque estonneraent De sa fureur : conibien qu'occultement Cest Aquilo, portant venin nuysible, Moult s'effor9ast, par souffleraent hoiTible, Aneantir la mere et les enffans, (9, verso) C'estoit Flora et les liz triumphans ; Pour ceste cause augmentee est la hainne, Et I'ennemy, que triste envj^e raainne, Contre Flora gratieuse, conjure, Serchant les liz pour leur porter injure ; Maiz il perd temps, car printemps pardurable Contient les liz en beaulte admirable, Le doulx Zephire, aspirant doulcement, Aux beaulx jardins donne nourrissement. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 105 (10, recto) Cent disticques' de Faust Andrelin, poete du Roy et de la RoYNE/ TRADUICTZ EN DISTIQUES FRAN^OYS ; AvEOQUES UNG OU PLUSIEURS APPENDICES, EXTRAIOTZ SUK UNG CHASCUN DISTICQUE, PAR Maistre Eloy du Mont, diot Costentin/ XI. — Aeligii Montani Constantinatis ad Franciam suo Fran- cisco FOELICISSIMAM HEXASTICHON. Foelix Francorum Franciscum Francia regem Tu colis, en vobis nomina conveniunt Moribus ingennis Francisci Francia mores Conformes teneas ; mutuus insit amor Franci Francisco felices pace fruuntur Franciscum Franci suspiciunt et amant. ^ See footnote, page 90. - Faust Andrelin was poet laureate to Loviis XII and Anne de Bretagne. ^ We have the testimony of a contemporary of Faust Andrelin, Beatus Rhe- nanus, as to the high esteem in which the productions of the poet were held. This testimony is found in the preface to the following edition of Andrelin's works : P. Fausti i^ndrelini, Foroliviensis Poetae atque Oratoris clarissimi Epistolae proverbiales, et morales longe lepidissimae, nee minus sententiosae. In Sylva ducis Brabantiae, anno incai-nationis verbi. M.D. XXXI. Mense Aprili. Gerardus Hatart typis has epistolas emittebat. The preface to this collection is as follows : Beatus Rhenanus, Hieronymo. Gebuilero Selestati bonas literas profitenti S. — Morales P. Fausti epistolae, mi Hieronynle iccirco ad Germanicae juventutis usum, impressioni mandandas duxi, quod viderem eas minime protritam, trivialemque in se continere erudi- tiouem. Nam habent eximiam in primis verbornm elegantiam, nee minorem sententiarum (quibus affatim scatent) venustatem. Inveniet hie ingenuus adole- scens, non pauca ad bene, beateque vivendum hortamenta. Discet hie amorem mulierum esse fugiendum, et voluptatum fugam, ad sanctiorum vitam quern maxime conducere, ut Graecanico quodem versiculo praecipitur : — raerrpos ixkv irpd}Ti(TTd kclI inrvov Kal (piXdraTos, quem hunc in modum Hermolaus Barbaras paraphrasi expressit, — Venter pluma, Venus, laudem fugienda sequenti. Discet praeterea tempus (cujus siimptu nihil praeciosius est) per inertiam non esse transmittendam. Ocium innumerorum malorum feminarium, impensissime evitandum, et id genus plnrima, quae omnia Foroliviensis Faustus in his episto- lis proverbialibus ac protrepticis, cum lepide, tum gravitem complexus est, qui et si in nonnuUis opusculis genuino poetarum more lasciviusculus sit, hie tamen integrum ac modestum oratorem agit. Gaeterum norit candidus lector adagia : rds -rrapoi/jLias (ut Graecia diciint), quadrauter coudimentorum rationem subire. His nempe immoderatius in concinnandis eduliis, popinatores utantur, gustu* aut grata incundaque reddent. Illis simili pacto (si modus absit) non tarn splen- dorem, ac ornatum quam obscuritatem sermoni tuo afferes. Mediocritas vero omnia saluat, ubique optima, ut inquit Aristoteles, summus (Pliniano Eulogio) in omni scientia vir. Bene vale, Selestadi pridie Caleudas Septembres. Anno, MDVIII. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 9 Sept., 1907. lOfi D. n. Carnahan — 3Iaistre Eloy du Mont,. diet Costentin. XII. — I.N l'"liA.\»lS(USI MONAKCIIAM (tALLOHUM OMN'IBUS NUMERIS VIRUM ABSOLUTISSIMTM GuiLIELMI GUERNONII DODECASTICHON. (10. verso) Classis it ad portiis diras sprctura procellas Regis ad invidiam qui timet, auspicia Nil Mecenatem nam secula nostra requirunt, Rex niveis ilium preterit altus equis. Quom noil obtundant toties monumenta dicata Humanum summe quid superare queat Adde, quod est author foeture temporis huju.s, Galle, es quo Hebreus, Grecus et Ausonius Quum peregrina fovet, parmi ipsa domestica pendit Abnuit Eligius facta pericla citan.s Primas quapropter Franciscus primus habeto, Hunc unum observet Candida posteritas. XIII. — In eundem ejusdem tetrastichon. Si soplios est princeps, sophiam vel pectora docta Diligit, est illi patria fausta soplio Ter foelix igitur vocitetur Gallia jure Franciscus sophos est, ac amat ipse sophos. XIV. — In eundem Gado Fredo vallensis carmen Aelegiacum CUJUS LITTERE CAPITA LIORES NOMEN FAUSTISSIMUM OSTENDUNT. (11, recto) Funditus evertit summo de vertice Troiam Rex Danaus, sato Teucria capta f uit ' Abstulit (heu miserum) Troiae vestigia Grecus Nobilis, Ixe penitus mansit adusta focis. Capta licet fuerint assurgunt moenia Troiae. Illustrem Francum diruta Troia tulit. Sic superi Teucris pensant incendia tanta, Concipit huic Phrigium Martia Troia virum. Ut nova progenies surgit monimenta decoris Surguiit, et Galiis aurea secla vigent. Vivit Priamides nunc regia Pergama restant, Amplaque Dardanie nomina, Galle, tenes. Lucida prefulgens Franciscus nomina Franci Exhibit, hie primus stemmata clara refert. Nunc quis Franciscum Troiano a sanguine ductum Summum non referat ? quis nisi mentis Mops ? (sic)' Ista igitur letus perpendas carmina que nunc Seminat Eligii Gallica musa tui. 1 The word " Mops " is probably an abbreviated form of the name " Mopstis," and refers to the soothsayer Mopsns. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont^ diet Costentin. 10 (11, verso) XV. — Au TRESCHRESTIEN RoY DES FrAN^OYS, Premier roy de ce nom FRANgoYS, Costentin, vostre humble vallet, Prest vous servir, s'il le valloit Comme ainsi soit (Prince tresmagnaniiue), Roy tveschrestien, en majeste sublime, Qu'ingratitude aulx humains et aulx dieux Soit ung peche grandement odieiix Et desplaisant, pour sa grant turpitude, Je ne vouldrois en rien d'ingratitude Estre notte, mais je n'ay la puissance Que, par etfect, face recongnoissance Aulx biensfaicteurs, entre lesqueilz avez Le premier lieu (Sire), car vous sgavez Qu'a Vasteville il me fut ung present Faict de par vous, leqnel sera present Tant que vivray, en fons de ma memoire. Je n'avoies pas (Sire), non ay je encore, Mery qu'a moy vous voulissez parler ; Tant soeullement, le liberal vouloir • (13, recto) Estant en vous m'a faict ce benefice, Estre n'en peult la cause mon service, De rien servir ne vous peult mon s9avoir, Mais, neantmoins, je doy monstrer avoir Ung bon vouloir, soit par parole ou lectre ; Quand aultrement ne le puis recongnoistre Ung bon vouloir, qu'on veult mectre en effect, Ille convient reputer pour le faict. Depuis le temps que f uz a vasteville, (Roy treschrestien), dedens Caen, vostre ville, En instruisant mes petitz escoliers, Cent elegans disticques familiers Que composa le poete royal Faust norame, en vray sens litteral Traduictz avons, et d'un cliacun disticque Prins et extraict (qui n'est pas grand praticque), Ung ou plusieurs aultres disticques, dictz Et appellez appendices, reduictz Et appliquez en quelque sens moral ; II ne convient au langaige rural H 108 J). JI. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentiii. Avoir refrard, niais an sens de la lectre, (1~*. verso) Ce qui m'a duict icculx disticques mectre En traii9oys, Sire, est que j'ay congnoissance Que le fran^oys a plus grande puissance (^iic le latin ;' le bon Fran9oys qui regne, Nous a cause depuis le vostre regne Le bon latin ; difficile est, de faict. Que de maulvais fran903'^s puisse estre faict TJng bon latin, mais aussi, du contraire, De bon fran5oys bon latin fault extraire. Si ne craingnoies de vous attedier Je vouldiois bien mon oeuvre dedier A vostre nom, qu'est ce que je vueil dire, A vostre nom ? ce mot convient desdire, L'oeuvre est petit, de rudesse ydropicque, (Quaud de mon faict), et d'elegance ethicque, Indigne d'estre offert au moindre prince. Voire seigneur qui soit en la province ; Et j'entreprens, par folle oultrecuidance, Le presenter au monarque de France, Des roys humains I'excellence et la fleur. Qui vous vouldroit faire dons en valleur (13, recto) Equipollens a la vostre noblesse, II conviendroit visiter la richesse Et grandz tresors de celeste cite, . Plaine de joye et dc felicite ; Vostre noblesse en dignite excede Tons biens que Dieu en terre nous concede, Tant habundant vous estes en tout bien Qu'on ne pourroit vous augmenter en rien, Mais nous voyons qu'en la mer, tant diffuse, Habundent eauz, encore el ne refuse ^ The same idea is expressed by our author in his "Resurrection," fol. 1. recto, line 14 — De composer la Resurrection. De Jesus Christ, en langaige fraugoys Non en latin, voyant que le frauQoys Trop mieulx ayme est, pour le temps qui court Que le latin ; ceulx qui hantent la court Et aultres lieux, ont vraye congnoissance Combien ayme est le frangoys en France. — Likewise, we find on fol. 3, verso, line 11, the following statement : "Costentin, Trop myeulx aymant fran§oys que le latin." D. H. Camahan — Mcnstre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 109 Petitz ruisseaiilx. En grands biens et syavoir Vous habnndez, neantmoins recepvoir Vous pourres bien mon petit opixscule Et I'inipvimer dedens une cellule De la nieniore. En I'evangile on treuve Conime une povre et simple femme veufve Pour avoir mis dens le ga'/.ophilace/ Ung seul quadrin remporta plus de grace Du createur et fut son don tiH)uve Plus aggreable et plus grand approuve Qu'aultres plusieurs de plus grande importance ; (13, verso) Dieu regardoit son coeur et sa puissance. Oultre, je voy que petitz aymez bien, Car des petitz comme des grandz le bien Vous deffendez, voullant que de justice Ait le petit comrae le grand, notice. Pour cez raisons si I'ouvrier et I'ouvraige Soient bien petitz, si prendray je couraige De vous I'offrir ; ne regardez, Seigneur, Le don du tout mais le coeur du donneur. En recepvant de moy don si petit, Enbraserez en moy ung appetit De composer oeuvre de plus hault stille, Dis je plushault ? selon qu'il soy distille Par I'alembic de raon engin debile, Mais pour le rendre aulcun peu plushabile J'imploreray I'aide de quelque muse Pour impetrer de sa science infuse, C'est de Clio, doulce muse historicque, Laquelle escript en belle rhetoricque Des nobles coeurs heroicques effectz, Comme par roys fran9oys conduictz et faictz. (14, recto) De ce qu'ung roy a son vouloir estime Tons ses subjectz, en voirrez faire estime ; Princes et roys, les petitz font voler En hault honneur, et les grandz devaler ; Quand il leur plaist, des subjectz font autant Comme ung jecteur d'un jecton en jectant, ' Mark 12, 41 : " Et sedens Jesus contra gazophylacium, aspiciebat quomodo turba jactaret aes in gazophylacium," etc. 110 D. 11. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. Car ung jecteur ung jecton faict valoir Cent mille escus, ot puis a son vouloir Le faict valoir une petite maillc, Ce que ne vault I'oeuvre que je vous bailie. Ce nonobstant tant petit qu'il puisse estre, S'il est loue par le grand prince et maistre, Le Roy Fran9oys, grand estime sera De toutes gens, et son bruit haulsera, Ce neantnioins eii ce cas ne calenge, (Roy trescbrestien), du monde la louenge, Mais me suffist que puisse trouver place Dedens le cbamp de vostre bonne grace, Et que prenez en grey mon petit oeuvre ; Suppliant Dieu (O Prince), qu'il vous oeuvre Ses beaulx tresors, lesqueilx il a promis (14, verso) A ceulx qui sont ses bons Qt vrays amys, Apprez qu'aures en ce monde vescu Bien longuement, et le dyable vaincu Vous trouverez dedens ce petit livre, (Que de bon coeur humblement je vous livre), Une elegie avecques aultres carmes, Non composez de jacobins ou carmes, Mais d'escolliers, domesticques amys, Avecques nous ung cbascun d'eulx a mys. Voire, et veult mectre en tout temps, pleuve ou vente, Tout son esprit, non pas pour mectre en vente Mais pour louer en latin le Fran9oys Qui de present regne sur les Fran90vs, Et ne mourra (aiudant Dieu), avant aage. Vous trouverez balades davantage Et cbamps Royaulx,' dizains avec rondeaulx, Non cojnposez par poetes rondz d'eauz Maiz par vostre Inunble et infime vallet, Prest vous servir s'il povoit ou valoit. ' Although the plural form is .used here, we find bat one " chant royal " in the collection. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentm. Ill XVI. (15, recto) 1. — Certum Fausti 2)romissum.^ En promissa patent grati monuraenta poete, Certum est Faustino quod semel ore fluit. La certaine promesse de Fauste. Voicy les vers du poete acceptable Par luy promis, car Fauste est veritable. Appendix. Bien recongnoist, qui pour don transitoire Rend aultre don d'eternelle memoire. 2. — Ad librum ne invidiam extimescat. Jam liber invidie secure latrantis abito, Baubantera est timidi pertimuisse canera. Au livre qi;'il n'ayt crainte d'envj'^e. Livre va t'en sans craindre envye en rien, Trop est craintif, qui craint I'abay d'un chien. Appendix. Moins mordantz sont les chiens qui tant font bruit, Triste enuyeux beaucoup parle et peu nuyst. (composuit) 3. — Quod disticha casta morata que cotnposuerit. Disticha composui matura digna senecta Nam decet annosum pagina casta senem. (15, verso) Qu'il a compose disticques, chastes et moraulx. Mes carmes sont aulx anciens lecture, A vieilles gens convient chaste escripture. Appendix. Paresseux jeune et vieil luxurieux, Pource superbe, a tons sont odieux. ' I have collated the Latin distlchs, as reproduced by Eloy dii Mont, with an edition printed in Lyons, in 1539. Tlie important variants found in the edition of Lyons I have put in marginal references. Small diflferences, snch as punctu- ation and the common use of " ae '' and " oe " for " e " in Latin words, etc., I have not indicated. The following is the title of the edition of Lyons : — Disticha Publii Fausti Andreliui Foroliviensis poetae laureati, cum Joannis Mauri Constantiani enan-ationibns. Que ab Joanne Raenerio optima tide, parique diligentia recognita sunt omnia. Theobaldiis Paganus excudebat, Lugduni. 1539. 112 T>. If. ('anidlidu — Mdistre Eloy dn Mont, diet Costentin. (Disticha) 4. — J)icta salibus respersa. Dislicha sepe leges, salilnis suffusa jocisque Diet trahunt diilces ad graviora joci. Distiches mesles de motz joyeux. Souveiit liras vers plains d'urbaiiite, De motz joyeiilx on vient a gravite. Appendix. Grave oraison, ung peu entrelardee De motz joye\ilx, n'en est nioins commandee. o. — Ad iiraestantem virum Joannem Rvseum, generalem quuestorum meridssimiim.^ Quam fausta dedit missum priraordia nuraus Faustior incepta sit quoque finis ope. An general Ruse. (16, recto) L'argent receu, bien conimencer m'a faict, La fin prodnise encor meilleur effaict. Appendix. Ung bon lover, en livrant, proposer. Rend les facteurs plus promptz a com2)oser. 6. — Pri?icipium. Principium ex alto nascens ardore probatur Justa sed in solo fine corona datur. Le commencement. INIoult approuve est bon commencement, Mais le lover est a I'achevement. Appendix. Qui bien commence, et qui bien ne parfaict, On diet qu'a rien n'est a compter son faict. 7. — Ad disticha. Crescite cum largo mea disticha crescite censu, De|)0scunt tute fertile carmen opes. Aulx distiches. Crescez mes vers, avec argent utile, Ung argent seur requiert carme fertile. Yel. (16, verso) Quand a I'ouvrier on augmente les gaiges, C'est la raison qu'il augmente d'ouvraiges. ^ See page 94 of the introduction. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 113 8. — Nulla dies sine tinea. Nulla dies abeat quin linea ducta supersit Non decet ignavura preteriisse diem. Nulle journee sans traict. Homme ne doit passer i;ng jour eiitier Sans quelqne traict faire de son mestier. Appendix. Qui vcult parfaict estre en quelque artifice Souvent s'exerce a en faire I'office. 9. — Ad lector em. Quid me tarn miris sublimen laudibus effers Divinum ingenium plena crumena facit. Au lecleur. Pourquoy prens tu de tant me louer painne, L'engin divin vient de la bource plainne. Appendix. Povre poete et nourry d'eau sans vin, D'engin languit en carme non divin. • 10. — ILnid bene cantatur exhausta crumena. (17, recto) Legitimus tacto concentus manat ab aere Non bene cum vacua est ulla crumena sonat. On chante mal, la bourse vuyde. L'argent touclie, son legitime donne, Malilvaisement bourse vuyde resonne. Appendix. L'argent touche rend doulx son a merveilles, La bourse vuide, aigre son aulx oreilles, Vel. La bourse vuyde ung son rend pytoyable, Povre poete, ung carme miserable. 11. — CecKS cantat oh habitani stipem.' Ipse habita sacram cecus stipe cantat ad aedem Mutus abit nudam cum trahit ille manum. L'aveugle chante quand on luy donne. Apprez argent receu l'aveugle sonne, Mais il s'en va muet, s'on ne luy donne. Appendix. Bien premie, poete bien compose, Maiz sans loyer sa plume soy repose. 114 1). JI. Carndhdti — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 1 2. — Pecunia rerum rer/ina. (17, verso) (Pe- Unica cunctaniiii icgiiia i)e'ciinia reriini cnnia) (Jove) t> • " • i i . Frecipuum magno pro jove numen liabet. Pecune, roj'ne des clioses. De toule chose est pecune la royne, An lion «le Dieu en ce monde a le resne. Appendix. Pour la })ecune on faict et mal et bien, Mais quand an mal pour dieu on ne faict rien. 13. — Aiiritm sole sjilendidius. Clara quidem profert pliebeus luraina fulgor Purius est aurum splendidiusque naicat. L'or )ilus cler que le soleil. Le clair soleil grande clarte produict, Plus pur est l'or et plus clairement luyt. Appendix. Argent, procez rend plus clair a mynuict Que sans argent quand le soleil reluyst. 1 4. — Pimper. Durius abjecto nihil est quod paupei'e vivat Indignus est pauper nil nisi triste malum. Le povre. (18, recto) Pien n'est plus dur qu'estre povre indigent, Ung triste mal, laisse de toute gent. Api^endix. S'ung foul est riche, il est sage estime, Se sage est povre, il sera foul nomme. (Pauperi) 15. — Dlviti omnin pauperis aut parnm aut nichil. (nihil) Quilibet equoreas semper fluit amnis in undas Pauperiora culex tecta rotundus adit. Au riche tout, au povre peu ou rien. Dedens la mer tous fleuves y ai'rivent, Chez povres gens, petitz bibetz y vivent. Ap])endix. En la maison du riche on porte tout, Du povre rien, ce qu'il a on luy tonld. Vel. Combien profitte a ung fol grand richesse. Quand par icelle avoir ne peult sagesse. D. H. Carnahan — ■■3Iautre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 115 ' 10. — Assentator. (gnatoni) Qui blando patulas parasito' commodat aures, Insanmn ex stulto pectore pectus habet. (18, verso) L'assentateur, Si les flateurs escouter te conseiis De levite, devieudras bors du sens. Appendix. L'assentateur est veu, doulx et bcnin. Done la doulceur tourne en amer venin. 17. — Debitor. Semper et infelix alieni debitor aeris Duraque servili vincula mente gerit. Debteur. Malbeureux est du bien d'aultruy debteur Et n'est pas sien, mais 11 est serviteur. Appendix, Soy obliger est chose voluntaire, Mais le contract tenir est necessaire. 18. — Amor. Non amor antiquo fuerat sed amaror ab aevo Dicendus, quum sit semper amarus amor, Amour. En lieu d'aymer convenoit dire amer, Car d'amertume va plus qu'en la mer. Appendix. (19, recto) Amour disoient estre ung dieu, mais ung dyable, Dieu est tout bon, amour faulx et dampnable. 19. — Idem. Cura placens, i^redulce malum, tristisque voluptas Heu vesana furens pectora cecat amor. Icelluj^ amour. Folle amour est volupte, triste et brefve, Et ung doulx mal qui du sens les yeulx creve. Appendix. D'ung pen de miel amour mondainne apispe, Mais donne apprez de fiel plus d'une pipe. ' Maurus employs the word " gnatoni," taken in its general sense ; — Terence, Eunuchus, 3, 2, 33. 110 D. IT. Carnahon — Malstre Eloy cln Mont, diet Costentin. Vcl. De volnpte amour doiinc une estrainne, Qui de douleurs trop longue queue trainne. 20. — N'on amans sed amens. Si sapis amentem dicas non lector amantem, Nam nihil insanus mentis amator habet. Non amans mais amens. Amens c'est foul, dire on doit, non amans, Car rien prudent n'est en ces foulz amans. Appendix. (19, verso) Le fol amant en peril se va metre Que bien il voit, mais de soy n'est pas maistre. 2 1 . — Leno. Communis stulte ])estis damnosa juvente, Surripit incantas leno dolosus opes. Le macquereau. Le macquereau est peste de jeunesse, D'imprudens foulz consomme la richesse. Appendix. La lille on voit par la mere, et la femrae Par le maiy, vendus, c'est cas infame. Vel. On doibveroit, plustot que larrons, pendre Houilliers qu'on voit la chair humaine veudre. 22. — Scortum. Non scortum est aliud nisi blanda et subdola syren Que trahit humanum sub vada ceca genus. La paillarde. Une paillarde, ainsi qu'une serainne. Pour submerger, attraict jeunesse humainne. Appendix. (20, recto) Passer convient avec sourdes oreilles Paillardes, qui de parler font merveilles. 23.— Idem. Ad vivam scortum suggens ut hyrudo medullam (Paphiam ex- Li paphiam exharuit pectora prona deam. Une paillarde, ainsi qu'ung sansuc, Tire le sang de jeunesse deceue. D. H. CurNahan — Maistre Eloy da Moitt, diet Costentin. 117 Appendix. En faict d'amonrs on ayme qui apporte, S'il n'a plus rien on lay clorra la porte. 24. — Foemina. Cuncta sub astrigero regnantia crimina celo, Nutrit in eternos femina nata dolos. La femme. La femme nee, a fraude et a traison, En ce raonde est de tons pechez poyson. Apologie. La femme aussi (c'est la Vierge benigne), En ce monde est de tons biens origine. Vel. (20, verso) La femme nee a, bien sage et docile, En ce monde est de tons biens domicile. 25. — Ccqnit focmineiim. Non si femineum crebro caput igne refundas, Ingenii mutes prima metalla sui. La teste de femme. De femme soit la teste refundue, El ne sera pas plus molle rendue. Apologie. Teste de femme a bonte si parfaicte Que pour refondre el n'est meilleure faicte. 20,.— Coitus. Turpis et est morbi species liorrenda caduci, (Venus) Cum jacet exanimis post sua furta venus. Acte charnel. Acte charnel de nial caducque espece, Appres le faict I'homme rend en tristesse. Appendix. L'abbus est sot de volupte mondainne, Qui I'homme rend en tristesse soudainne. 27. — Vinum. (21, recto) Immodicus ledit seu dira cicuta lieus,' Xon facit ad longam crapula multa diem. Le vin. ' The reading " lyaeus," given by Maurus, is preferable here and is to be taken in the sense of " wine." 118 D. IT. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. Vin sujiertiu comme eigne blesso, Moult iiiiyst exces a veiiir en viellesse. Appendix. Exces de vin de I'homnie corrompt I'aago, Truble le sens, foul en devient le saige. 28. — Ad blbacem. Aebria ne titubent dubio vestigia gressu, Temperet apposituni linipha refusa raerum. A I'ivroingne. Yvroingne, affin que ne tumbes au vent, Ton vin convient d'eau moderer souvent. Appendix. Exces de vin nostre esprit faict changer, S'il est truble le corps est en danger. 29. — Ad eundem. Non imos aepota pedes sed bacchica snmraum (Parcius) Vis caput invadit parcius ergo bibe. A icclluv vvroingne. (21, verso) Le vin aux piedz ne va mais au cerveau, Boy done petit ou le modere d'eau. Appendix, Le gouvei'nail nous est sobriete, De gouvernail n'eut one ebriete. 30. — De venere et baccho. Semper juncta venit bibulo cytherea lyeo, Res est inflanians luxuriosa merum. De paillardise et yvrongnise. Avec le vin paillardise repose, Car le viji est luxurieuse chose. Appendix. Luxure et vin rend riiorame en tel estat Que le plus saige en devient apostat. Sl.— Gula. (Croesi) Sint ignota licet niagni patrimonia croesi, Immensae absuniunt alta barathra gulae. D'un glouton, D'un ort ijlouton le ventre insatiable Devoreroit ung bien inestimable. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre JEloy da Mont, diet Costetitin. 119 Appendix. (23, recto) Gulosite, excessive et infame, Consomme biens et destruict corps et ame. Vel. Estre subject a gourmandise vile Et volupte est chose trop servile. Vel. Superttiiite, de grand povrete mere, Est en la lin aulx jioin'mans tresamere. 32. — Otium. (forti celsas) Corrumpumt celsas forti cum pectore mentes Otia plumoso desidiosa thoro. Oesivette. Oesivete et long dormir en lict Le corps puissant et coeur noble amollist. Appendix. Oesivete nous engendre peche, Les membres las et I'esprit empesche. 33. — Sommcs. Quam vigil ignavo demit solertia somno, Additur hec vite longior hora tue. Dormir. (22, verso) L'heure et le temps, de long dormir'ostez, Seront pluslongz a la vie adjouxtez. Appendix. Par trop dormir chet I'homme en indigence, Biens on acquiert par bonne diligence. M.—Fama. (cleonaeo) Alta cleoneo querenda est fama labore, Non venit ex molli vivida fama thoro.. Renommee. Par grand labeur fault acquerir bon nom, De long dormir ne vient pas bon renom. Appendix. Sans batailler on n'a pas la victoire, Et sans labeur n'auvons parfaicte gloire. Vel. Qui vault avoir bon nom et bonne grace, Parle tresbien et chose utile face. 120 D. n. Carna/ian — JLdstrc Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin, •'55. — Ai'iirns. (se Tautalus) Semper eget sitiens mediis ceu tantalus uiulis Inter anlielatas panper avarus o^^es. L'avaricieux. (23, recto) Tantalus est dedens I'eau, sitibunde, L'avare est povre en bien qui luy habunde. Appendix, Si content est povre en biens, il est riche, Le riche en biens est. povre s'il est siche. 36. — Iiiridus. Invida perpetuis iirit praecordia ilammis Incedens fausto sors aliena pede. L'envieux. Le bien d'aultruy, i)rosperenient croissant, Brule le coeur d'enuyeux languissant. Appendix. Detraction vient du peche d'envie, Qui la cause est que mainct n'est plus en vie. (23, verso) 37. — Fortuna. Vitrea dum splendet vultu fortuna sereno, Protinus in vili fracta recumbit humo. Fortune, Fortune, apprez belle face exibee, Incontinent diet aplat succumbee. Appendix, Souvent fortune extolle I'homme en hault, C'est pour apprez lu}'^ donner plus grand sault. (Fonmae) 38. — Amici fortune. Agmina que nitido credis tidissinia caelo. Nnbe sub obscura terga fugata dabunt, Amys de fortune. Aniys assez en ta felicite Qui te fu\'ront en temps d'adversite. Yel, Si tu es riche auras assez d'amis ; Si tu es povre ilz seront ennemys. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin, 121 Appendix. Dedens le feu on faict de I'or espreuve, All grand besoing son amy on espreuve. 39. — Servandus modusi in utraque fortuna. (fractumve) Ne dextra elatum videat fractumque sinistra Adsit fortune certus utrique modus. Mesure est a avoir en bonne et maulvaise fortune. Sans orgueil soys en fortune prospere, En malle aussi pas ne te desespere, Appendix. (24, recto) C'est plus que tout, que tenir le moyen, Estre constant et en mal et en bien. 40. — Adversa fortuna tolleranda. (Ulisseo) Perfer ulisseo sortem de more sinistram, Haec bene duranti sub pede victa jacet. Fortune adverse porter convient. Comme Ulisses pren la fortune triste, Vaincre la peult celuy qui bien persists. Appendix. Prenons le temps ainsi comme il nous vient, En maulvais temps bon coeur avoir convient. Vel. Pourvoir convient a fortune future, II n'aura rien lequel ne s'adventure. Vel. Effeminez, de coeur lache et remys, S'il vient fortune ilz sont tost au bas mys. 41. — Advei'sis succuynhens. Casibus adversis fracta qui mente recumbit, Fortuna ignorat dexteriore frui. Qui succumbe en adversitez. (24, verso) L'irapatient de raal et d'infortune User ne peult de la bonne fortune. Appendix. Qui veult doulceur congnoistre, il fault qu'il hume Et qu'il avail e ung petit d'amertume. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 10 Sept., 1907. 122 D. II. Carnahan — Maiatre Eloy da Mont^ diet Costentin. (Hypocrita) 42. — Ypocrita. Ne pura explicite credas sub ymagine froiiti, . Raptorem occultat pellis ovina lupum. L'ypocrite. Trop ne te tie aux faces tant affables, Brebis a voir, dessoubz loupz ravissables. Appendix. N'aj'ons du tout aux vesteraens credit, L'habit ne faict le moyne, ainsi qu'on diet. 43. — Idem. Exteriora gerit qui simplicis ora columbae, Interiora vafrae pectora vulpis habet, Icelluy. Tel est columbe en face exteriore, Et faulx regnard en coeur interiore. Appendix. (25, recto) Dessoubz le miel est cache le venin, Ung coeur cruel soub visaige benin. 44. — Sxiperhia. Turgida ventosos imitata superbia folles Pascitur aerio corpus inane noto Orgueil. Comment souffletz de leger vent grossissent, De vent de gloire orguilleux soy nourrissent. Appendix. Hault edifice est fort subject au vent, Des orgueilleux I'orgueil tumbe souvent. Vel. L'umbre est plus court quand le soleil hault court, Par hault orgueil est faict I'honneur plus court. 45. — Venetxis. Plumosa inspiceres nudatum corpora corvum, (Veneto) Reddita si veneto preda latrone f oret. Le venitien. Venitiens aussi nudz que le ver Voja-as, s'ilz font de rendre leur debvoir. Appendix. (25, verso) Mainct faict le pan se vantant de son bien, S'il estoit quicLe il auroit moins que rien. D. II. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy die Mont, diet Costentin. 123 (Caesarem 46. — Ad caescireni horgia'ni.^ Borgiam) Ant nihil, ant caesar vexillo pingis inaiii (Caesare) Pro magno fies caesare stulte nihil. A Cesar Bourgias. Estre Cesar on rien te paingnois bien, Car pour Cesar tu es devenu rien. Appendix. Qui par orgueil plus hault que ne doibt raonte, II doibt descendre en confusible honte. 47. — Jnventa. Accensa exardens flaramata libidine pectus, Labitur in cunctem prona juventa nephas. Jeunesse. Jeunesse ardante, a volupte incline, Facillement en tous pechez decline. Appendix. Cheval trop aspre on arreste o la bride, Jeunesse ardante en luy baillant bon guyde. Vel. (26, recto) A ung dure asne aguillon dur convient, Par corriger le foul saige devient. ' Manrus, page 65, gives the following note upon this distich : Taxat arro- gantiam ac stultitiam Caesaris Borgiae Hispani. Hie Alexandri sexti tilius erat nihilo patri dissimilis, sive vitam, sive exitum utriusque ; aestimes. Relicto cardinalitio galero uxorem duxit, et dux Valentinensis f actus est. Ilium Italiam bello tentantem scommatis Itali lancinabant : iste (inquiunt) armis caelum ter- ritat : Qnod admodum magniloquus, velet alter Thraso, praetei'ea minacissimus, ac ferocissimus esset. Item iste (inquiunt) arrogantia gigantum laborat, quod scilicet nuUis viribus, nullo concilio, sed temerarie stulteque ; rem tantam id est, imperium orbis aperte moliretur. Et alius hoc distichon ejusdem sententiae in eundem sci'ipsit : Aut nihil, aut votis optabas omnia Caesar, Omnia deficiunt, incipis esse nihil. Ist3 igitur magnificiis Thraso, haec verba (aut nihil, aut Caesar) in sno vexillo pingi jusserat, quorum sensus est, aut nihil ero scilicet : aut Caesar, id est, orbis debellator, et monarcha. Verum tandem miserime vitam finivet. Ordo. O. Borgia scilicet ''Pingis," id est : pingi facis "in vexillo" id est, in signo militari, "inani" id est, frivolo et veri Caesaris nomen non habenti. " Aut nihil aut Caesar'' id est, nihil memoria dignum gerens, aut ero Caesar, id est, rebus gestis clarissimus. et imperator triumphantissimus "stulte" id est, o demens ; "fies," id est, eris. "Nihil," id est, homo nuUius praetii, ac gloriae ; " pro caesare," id est, pro imperatore ; "magno," id est claro. 124 J). II. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy dxi Mont^ diet Costentin. 48. — Senecta'. (defertt) Prudentem exhausto mentem pro robore defe'rt, JMatura et lone^a eocta senecta die. Vicillesse. En vieilles gens pour force corporelle Sont bon conseil, sens, raison naturelle. Appendix. L'artillerye est rien sans bonne amorse, Sans bon conseil ne sert beaucoup la force. Vel. Force de corps ne conduict, mais sagesse, Les faictz arduz en quoy reluist vieillesse. 49. — Ficiis gallica ad Jo. Huseum. (Gallia) Fertilis at rai*as gignit quas gallia ficus Accipe, nam raros non nisi rara decent. Figues gallicques a Jehan Rusey. Fignes re9oy qui peu en France viennent, A gens de prix precieux dons con viennent. Appendix, (26, verso) On ne doit pas extoller en honneur Du tout le don, mais le coeur du donneur. 50. — Garrxdxis. Extremum ad malum primo quae obtundit ab ovo Vitanda est mense garrula pica tuae. Le garrule. Homme importun, a parler sans raison. Ne i^ermectras menger en ta maison. Appendix. Langue est a craindre, en bouche d'envieux, Plus que le glaive en main de furieux, 51. — Denies, Natura omniparens dentes formavit acutos Ne vaga sed claustris lingua sit arcta suis. Les dentz. Les dentz agus nous a forme nature Pour contenir la langue en sa closture. D. JL Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont^ diet Costentin. 125 Appendix. Huys et seiTeure a la bouche ordonnez, Long et balance aux parolles donnez. • Vel. (27, recto) De la parolle ayns que parler suys maistre, Quand el est hors servant m'en suis faictestre. Vel. Ayns que parler ayons le souvenir Que parler va et ne peult revenir. 52.— Li7igiia. Quid melius lingua? lingua quid pejus eadem ? Tristis cum dulci toxica melle gerit. La langue. Qu'est il plus bon et plus maulvais que langue ? Miel et venin el porte en sa harengue. Appendix. Le gouvernail la net" garde ou destruict, La langue I'homme a bien ou mal instruict. Vel. Le gouvernail et la langue conduysent Navire et bomme, ou du tout les destruysent. oS.— Fides. Aurea quam sancto coluerunt secula ritu Aut nulla aut nostro est tempore rara fides. La foy. (27, verso) Des anciens la foy si bien gardee, Au temps present n'est plus que foy fardee. Appendix. Qui pert sa foy a perdre n'a plus rien, La foy en I'homme est ung excellent bien. 54. — Homo. Quid genus aifectas vitam mortale perennem (brevi) Cum sis momento bulla caduca ( ) L'homme. Pourquoy tousjours veult vivre au monde I'homme, C'est ung bouillon qui sur I'eau tost consomme. 126 D. II. f'arnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont^ diet Costeniin. ■ , Appendix. En nasquissant commen§ons a mourir, Et vers la mort ne cessons de courir. Vel. Convient il tant ce povre corps nourrir Lequel sera demain mis a pourrir. 55. — 3fors. Clam venit orta metens aequa mors omnis falce Hinc habet incertam nescia vita diem. La mort. (28, recto) En secret vient la mort tout devoraute, Parquoy la vie est son terme ignorante. Appendix. Tous quand an naistre et mourir sont semblables. En vivre sont sqeullement dissemblables. Vel. Le serviteur qui ne s9oit quand son maistre Doibt revenir, tousjours veillant doit est re. 56. — Mors hand timenda. Tensa quid horrescis missuram spicula mortem ? (est) Non mors, sed passi ( ) nieta suprema mali. Mort non a craindre. Pourquoy de mort crains tu le gleve extreme ? Mort n'est pas mort mais de mal fin supreme. Appendix. Qui parvenir veult a vie parfaicte, Passer convient la mort palle et infaicte. Vel. Qui soeullement ton corps poui'roit occire Ne crain, mais qui ton ame peult destruire. 57. — Servvs. (28, verso) Quis non servili dominus fraudatur ab arte • Prodigium servus grande fidelis erit. Le serviteur. Qui ji'est trompe des servans cautelleux ? Servant XojdA est cas miraculeux. D. H. Carnahan — Mcdstre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 127 Appendix. A tart on treuve amytie, si non faincte, En cestuyla qui ne sert que j^ar crainte. 58. — Uxor dignitatis nomen non voluptatis. Nomina seposita veneranda libidine gestat Quam junxit casto copula sancta thoro. Uxor nom de dignite non point de volupte. Ce nom de femme est de grand dignite En mariage, hors toute volupt6. Appendix. C'est I'orneraent de I'homme que la femme, La concubine au contraire diffame. Vel. Par mariage ung enffant en bas aage Est faict sage et estime plus saige. Vel. (39, recto) Diet paradis mariage peult estre, Car dieu le fist en paradis terrestre. Vel. Priser sa femme, aymer et craindre, reste, Et estimer, ainsi qu'un don celeste. 59. — Uxor oh soholem ducenda. Uxor habenda venit, non ut saturata libido (si) Sed sit in aeternos aucta propago dies. La femme pour avoir lignie. Pour volupte marie ne fault estre, Mais pour lignee et gerre bumain acroistre. Appendix. Sans volupte de femme fault user, De mariage on peult bien abusei", " Vel. Qui maintenir ne soy peult en honneur, Soy marier fault, en nostre Seigneur. 60. — Curia. Larga quidem magnos promittit curia montes L'rita sed rapidis verba feruntur aquis. La court. (29, verso) Ce sont baultz montz, que promesses de court, Mais aval I'eau bien tost cela s'en court. 128 JJ. II. Carnahan — JMaist^'e Eloy da Mont, diet Costentin. Appendix. Grand promecteur est souvent grand menteur, De petit faict on voit nng grand vanteur. Vel. Nil! escondire au prince est moult louable, Mais la requeste estre doit raisonnable. 01. — Eadem curia. Quam bene conveniens sortita est curia nomen A gravibus ciiris curia dicta venit. Icelle court. La court, on diet, en latin curia, Car en la court grand soing et cure y a. Appendix. A voir, en court, niaistres et varletz faire. On ne congnoist lesquelz out pludaffaire. Q^.—Pax. Securus placida mundus sub pace quiescit (alta) Tranquillum est sumnii opus alma dei. La paix. (30, recto) Soubz paix on vit en repos pacificque, Tranquille paix vient du hault dieu celicque. Appendix. Le petit bien est faict grand par concorde, Le grand, petit, ou sont guerre et discorde. 63. — Bdlam. Persurit, et totum miscet mars impius orbem (est) (Jove) Heu diro inventa ( ) sub jove tanta lues. La guerre. Guerre et descord troublont toute la terre, Soubz Jupiter trouvee f ut la guerre. Appendix. Guerre on ne doit en ce monde mouvoir. Si non pour paix plus grande appres avoir. 64. — Incletnentia bellica. Nulla est ardenti miserans dementia bello Impetuosa pium dextera nescit opus. Inclemence bellicqne. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy da 3Iont, diet Costentin. 129 Fureur bellicqiie est sans raisericorde, Bras furieux a mercy ne s'accorde. Appendix. (30, verso) Contendre a force est aux bestes cruelles, L'homme en parler doit mener ses querelles. 65. — Ilaud esse post victoriani seviendam. (triumpho) Bellica quaesito frenanda est ira thriurapho. Hand sevit doraito nobilis hoste manus. Cruel ne convient estre apres la victoire. Ne soys cruel, I'ennemy desconffit, A noble coeur d'avoir vaincu suffist. Appendix. Vaincre est assez sans faire cruaulte, Le noble coeur de vaincre est contente. Vel. Le dl'oict garder, I'ennemy prins, conseille, Si ce n'estoit en rendant la pareille. Vel. Par obayr, le lion on modere, L'homme raison estre en soy considere. Vel. Celuy qui prins est en captivite, Que peult il plus faire d'hostilite. 66.— Int. ^ (31, recto) Sanguine scintillans ferventi nascitur ira Quae semper domina mente domanda venit. Ire. Du sang fervent embrasee ire vient, Mais par raison refroyder la convient. Appendix. Par ire vient au vys deformite, Et meet I'esprit hors de tranquillite. Vel. Qui ne modere ire par patience, II pert raison et si n'a pas science. 67. — Bomharda . Si celsum quateret moles bombardica caelum. Tota foret capto machina strata jove. La bombarde. 180 T). II. (%iniahan — Maistre Eloy da Mont, diet Costentin. Si la bombarde au ciel pouvoit toucher, (Jupiter prins), feroit tout trebucher. Appendix. L'artillerie est argument fecunde, Que bien pres est, par feu, la fin du monde. Vel. (31, verso) L'artillerie erapesche en bataillant Que congneu soit lequel est plus vaillaiit. (Justitia) 08. — Jiisticia. (librataque) Aequa gerit rectam librat quae pondera lancem (Justitia) Justicia immota firma tenaxque manu. Justice. Juste ballance en sa main tient justice, Done justeraent de peser faict I'ofiice. Appendix. Ung prince avoir doit I'espee ou la lance En une main, en I'autre la ballance. 69. — Prudens. Quisquis es o prudens janum' sectare bifrontem (videnda) Sunt ora atque oculis terga vidend tuis. Le prudent. Toy qui prudent veulx estre en la maniere Du bon Janus, voy devant et desriere. Appendix. Nostre esprit soit a troys temps dispence, Au temps present, preterit, et passe. Vel. (32, recto) H est brutal et de prudence exempt, Qui seullement regarde au temps present. Vel. En tons lieux est le present estime. Pour le present on en est myeulx ayme. "■^O.—Fortis. Instanti veniunt subeunda pericula casu, (angustis) Rebus in adversis fortia corda patent. Le fort. ^ The old Italian deilj'. represented with a face on the front and another on the back of his head. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du 3Iont, diet Costentin. 131 Contre fortune il convient qu'on resiste, En faictz ardus, coeur vertueux consiste. Appendix. Force' et vertn sont Lien raanifestc'Z En ceulx qui sont de fortune infestez. '71. — Modestus. Servanda in rebus praefixa est meta gerendis, Non excessa pudens facta modestus amat. Le modeste. Mesure on doit garder en tout eifect, L'lionime attrenipe rien excessif ne faict. Appendix. (32, verso) Ne fay rien trop, ta puissance mesure, Toute vertu pert son nom sans mesure, 72. — Lex. Lex sancta humanae ducta est qua regula vite Deraissum aetliereo munus ab orbe venit. La loy. La saincte loy, qui regist vie humaine. Est don venant de celeste dommainne. Appendix. Ou loy n'est pas, aussi non est justice, Sans ce, n'avons de bien vivre notice. Vel. D'administrer les loix n'est suffisant, Lequel veult estre aulx loix contredisant. 73. — Juris decreta. Si sublata forent Juris decreta verenda, Vinceret immanes barbara vita feras. Les decretz de droict. Si droictz estoient cassez et abbatus, Humains vivroient brutaulx et sans vertus. Appendix. (33, recto) Craincte des droictz, de mal faire retarde, Et le pais bien vivant en paix garde. (voluminum) 74. — Comburenda in leges volumina massa. Emissa in sacras numerosa volumina leges (Phetontea) Sunt phaetontea tedia digna face. La masse des volumes sur les loix est bonne a brusler. 132 D. II. Carnahan — Maistre Kloy du Mont, did Costentin. Tant sur Ics loix, comnientz accumulez, Sont longs ennuys dignes d'estre brulez. Appendix. Texte de droict est trop plus nianifeste Que vieulx commentz faictz sus icelluy texte. Vel. Deesus le texte est chose trop confuse, Que tant commentz (jui les espritz abuse. I T. (33, verso) Imperitus legum doctor. Icturus nullam centeno verbere legem Non legem es doctor (vane) quid ergo '? dolor, Le non expert docteur de loix. Qui d'alleguer une loy n'a pas I'heur, En loix docteur, il n'est quoy done ? douleur. Appendix. Maint grassement de la science vit, Qui le dedens du livre onques ne vit. 76. — Sorhoniciis. Sorbonica invictus lucta quicunque redisti, (Herculeas) Tu potes herculeas spernere tutus opes. Le Sorbonicque. Qui peult sortir de Serbonne vainqueur Craindre ne doibt Heurcules belliqueur. Appendix. D'icelluy est la victoire louable. Qui vaincre peult Sathan, monde et le dyable. Vel. Quiconque est roy de soy mesmes et maistre, C'est plus grand cas que roy des aultres estre. H. — ISopJiista. Caprinae nugas lanae' si poscis inanes Steutorea exclamans voce sojjbista dabit. Le sophiste. Si disputer veulz de lainne caprine, Ou}^' convient sophisticque doctrine. ' Horace, Ep., 1, 18, 15; — " Alter rixatiir de lana saepe caprina, propiignat nugisarmatus." D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin, 133 Appendix. (34, recto) Mainct par crier s'esforce d'apparoistre Estre s§avant quand S9avant ne peult estre. 78. — Medicus illustris. (Apolinea) Clarus apolinea medicus qui fulgeat arte Extat adoranda ceu deus alter ope. Medecin illustre. Bon medecin de s9avoir decore, Ainsi que Dieu il doit estre adore. Appendix. De I'ame et corps, la sante Dieu nous donne, Le medecin de nostre corps ordonne. 79. — Medicus indoctus. (ducam) Cum dicam culo merdam egrotantem cacatam, Non ementito merdicus ore vocor. Medecin mdocte. Si tirer puis raerde du cul de I'homme, Sans en mentir merdecin on me nomme. Appendix. Mainct abuseur entreprent faire bien line besoingne ou il ne congnoist rien. Vel. (34, verso) Mainct imprudent entreprent faire tout, Lequel jamais de rien ne vient a bout. 80. — Philosojihus naturalis. Foelix cui nota est naturae caussa latentis, At sua qui noscat pectora rarus adest. Le philosophe naturel. Qui bien congnoist les causes heureux est, Mais rare il est lequel bien se congnoist. Appendix. Faulte de sens et de bien se congnoistre, L'bomme couard et sujjerbe faict estre. 81. — Socrates. (Olympo) Morigeram ex alto sophiam qui traxit olimpo, (Actaeum) Sustulit acteuni sorpta cicuta senem. Socrate. 134 D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont^ diet Coslentin. Par Socrate viut morale science, Boyre on luy list cicue en recompense. Appendix. Ingratitude en vers hommes et dieux Siir tons pechez est le plus odieux. Sfi. — Astrologus. (35, recto) Mirum quum toto noscat stata sidera celo, (an) Nesciat in patria mecha sit uxor humo. L'astrologue. Au ciel congnoist l'astrologue et regarde, Et ne congnoist si sa femme est paillarde. Appendix. Pas n'est certain cestuy la qui devine, Car deviner n'est science divine. 83, — Furor poeticus. Vatibus aeternis caelo descendit ab alto, Ad nova divinus tacta canenda furor, Fureur poeticque. Fureur divin aulx poetes descend Pour composer nouveaulx gestes decent. Appendix. Nominer I'en peult divins et sainctz poetes, Ceulx qui de dieu ont este vray's prophettes. 84, — Orator. (fulmen) Intonat aetherea ceu missum mimem ab arce, Concita fulgurei lingua diserta viri. L'orateur. (35, verso) De l'orateur la langue est vehemente, Ainsi qu'en I'air la fouldre qui tourmente. Appendix. Ung orateur acoraplit mainct Taff'aire Qu'on ne s9auroit par force d'armes faire. Vel, Ung orateur rompt la fureur des princes, Amys les faict au grand bien des provinces. Vel. D. H. (kirnahau — MaUtre Eloy da Mont, diet Costentin. 135 Doulce parolle, ire et couroux supprirae, Rude parolle, ire et couroux aniine. Vel. Le doulx parler, diet on^ n'escorche langue, Et beaucoup peult une doulce harangue. 85. — Poete presentis seculi. Delphica non redolens aftiantia numina carmen, Secula sed faetens nostra cacamen habent. Les poetes du temps present. Dire ne fault le carme redolent, Du temps present, mais le carme dolent. Appendix. (36, recto) Humains sont linx a voir d'aultruy le faict, Mais taulpes sont en I'oevre qu'ilz ont faict. Vel. Sur tous oyseaulx bien pense le corbeau Avoir ung chant fort doulx et le coi'ps beau. 86. — Oratores ejusdem aetatis. Creditur orator nostrum quicumque per evura. Si verum excutias nomen arator erit. Les orateurs de ce temps. Celuy qu'on croit en ce temps orateur, S'on cherche bien son nom est arateur. Appendix. Qui bien syait Part de bien dire, il congnoist Quand de parler le temps oportun est. 87. — Pontifex maximus. Praeficitur pastor baculo munitus adunco, Ut vigili errantes lumine servet oves. Le tresgrand pontife. Pasteur avons de houlette muny Pour son troupeau garder ensemble uny. Appendix. (36, verso) Dieu pour pasteur le pape a mis au monde Pour conserver I'ouaille pure et munde. Vel. Le bon pasteur doit corps et ame mectre En deffendant I'ouaille, done est maistre. 136 D. H. Carnahan — 3Iaistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. 88. — Cardinalis. Hie habet a fixo deductum cardine nonien, Debeat ut firniam sustinuisse fidem. Le cardinal. De cardo, gout, cardinal peult venir, Car gout doit estre a la foy soustenir. Appendix, Ainsi que I'huys au gond ferme soy tient, Ung cardinal la foy ferme soustient. 89. — Ad eundem. (purpura) Monstrat sanguineam fundes tua purpurea vitam, Clavigerum invadunt cum fera bella thronum. A icelluy. Aulx cardinaulx le rouge donne entendre Que jusqu' au sang la foy doibvent deffendre. Appendix. (37, recto) Pas u'est crestien qui refuse raourir, Quand besoing est, pour la foy secourir, Vel. . Tous roys fran9oys pour leur ferme soustien Envers la foy, ont nom de treschrestien. n . — Ep iscop us. Caetera quo superet meditanti pectora sensu, Imposita ex ipsis nomina rebus habet. L'evesque. Des siens a soing l'evesque en diligence, Si du nom suyt la vraye intelligence. Appendix, Evesque est nom digne d'homme prudent, Qui vault autant que superintendent. Vel. Pasteurs rendront de leurs brebis le compte, S'ilz perdent rien le rendront a grand lioute. 9-1.— Lis. (misero fiet) Hie brevi fiet misero mendicior iro,' Tristia qui litis bella forensis amat. Proces. ' The name of the beggar in the house of Ulysses at Ithaca. Maurus writes this word with a capital letter. D. 11. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy (hi Mont, diet Costentin. 137 (37, verso) Povre et meschant, plus qu'Irus, cleviendra Qui de procez la guei-re enti'etiendra. Appendix. Proces ingrat servez et aymez bien, II vous fera perdre tout vostre bien. Vel. Proces est lac et gouffre si pi'ofund Que tout le bien qu'on peult avoir y fond. Vel. Tant plus aymez faulx et traistre procez, Et d'autant plus vous fei-a de I'excez. Vel. A faulx procez tant plus on bailie et tend, Tant plus en veult, jamais il n'est content. 92. — Poeta alienus a lite. Litigiosa fugit studiosus jurgia vates, Non amat insanum musa quieta forum. Le poete doibt estre aliene de proces. Triste proces soingneux poete fuyt, Muse transquille hayt de plaider le bruit. (38, recto) Appendix. Qui veult latin ou fran9oys composer, Toute aultre affaire il convien deposer. 93. — Mercator perficlus. Perjurata suo postponit numina luci'o, (Stygiis) Mercator stigiis non nisi dignus aquis. Le marchant desloyal. Marchant prepose an bault Dieu qu'il blaspheme, Son gaing mondain digne d'enfer extreme. Appendix. Quel proffict estre a I'homme ou a la femme De gaingner tout le monde et perdre I'ame. 94. — Re:e, aculeo carens. Quid metuis princeps diro caret inclitus oestro, Non facit ad magnos ultio seva duces. Le roy est sans aguillon. Crains tu le roy sans aguillon de hayne, Aulx grandz seigneurs est vengeance inhumainne. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 11 Sept., 1907. 138 D. H. Carnahtin — 3Iaistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. Ap})ondix. En graiulz seigneurs, coleres et credules, Ne A^ous tiez ])lus qu'en derriere de mules, Vel. (38, verso) Mansietude en prince avec justice Joincte doit estre, aultrement seroit vice. Vel. Ung prince user de benevole face Aulx humbles doibt, aux superbss d'audace. 95. — Promissum regium. (stent) Stant fixa aeternum regalia sponsa per aevum, Servanda exposcunt regia verba fidem. Promesse de roy. Ferme a jamais soit promesse de roy, II est requis aux roys garder leur foy. Appendix. Dieux terriens, sont dictz princes et roys,. Tout U'ur parler sont oracles ou loix. Vel. Quiconque accorde une requeste injuste Rien ne promect quand la chose n'est juste. Vel. Qui promect cas que I'on doibt escondire Ne promect rien, il ne faict que le dire 96. — l^oluj^tas et virtus. (39, recto) It male praestanti dispar virtute voluptas, Hinc dolor aeternus inde perennis honor. Volupte et vertu. Volupte vile a vertu moult differe, L'une doulleur et I'autre honneur confere. Appendix. Volupte gist en plaisir transitore, Vertu en bien d'eternelle memoii'e. Vel. A nobles coeurs le vivre en liberte Est trop plus doulx que vivre en volupte. Vel. Volupte mainne apres so}' villennie, Noble vertu, honneur, glore infinie, Vel. D. II. (Jarnahan — Maistre Eloy da Mont., diet (Jostentin. 139 Ainsi qu'a lain on voit le poisson prins, En volupte on voit niondains surprins. , 97. — 2\irpis et formosiis. Turpis ut est pulchra facies virtuie nitenda, Sic nitida labes fronte linenda venit. Le laid et le bean. (39, verso) De corps deforme estainct vertu I'injure, D'elegant viz convient purger I'ordiire. Appendix. Deformite par vertu est couverte, Et par vertu beaulte est plus apperte. 98. — Puer fiiigendus ah optimo artifice. Cerens est docto fingendus pollice vultus, (Prometheum) Ora prometheura pulchra venustat opus. L'eufant doibt estre instruict d'un bon ouvrier. Le jeune enfant ait maistre docte et saige, Le bon ouvrier decore bien I'ouvraige. Appendix. Mainct precepteur parle bien de vertu, Duquel le coeur est de vice vestu. Vel. C'est rien qu'avoir vertu en son langaige, S'el n'est au coeur et en prendre I'usaige. Vel. • En donnant maistre a ton iilz, le langaige Ne voy du tout mais vegarde I'ouvraige. Vel. (40, recto) Du pere on voit enfans I'engin avoir, Les escolliers du maistre le sijavoir, Vel. Le pere et mere aulx enfans donnent vivre, Le precepteur bien vivre leur delivre. 99. — 3Iens. (diffusa) Divina humanos mens est infusa per artus, Cogitet ut spreto facta superna solo. L'ame. L'ame est au corps pour contempler les cieulx En contempnant terrestres et bas lyeux. 140 D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. Appendix, Charnelz ont soing de I'homme exteriore Bien preparer, I'effans I'interiore. Vel. Pourceau I'ordure anx belles fleurs prepose, L'homme cbarnel I'atne a son corps postpose. 100. — A)incus reconciliatus. Gratia que coeat ficti male sarta sodalis, (yeluti) (Siculo Est velut in siculo scylla cavenda mari. L'amy reconcilie. Fuy cestuyla comme peril en raer, Qui t'a deceu soubz urabre de t'aymer. Appendix. Plus a craindre est I'enneray familier Seul, que ne sont aultres plus d'un millier. Scylla) (40, verso) 101. — Generosus. Acceptum duplici munus cum foenore reddit, Vincitur baud larga mens generosa manu. Le noble. Au double rend I'homme, arme de noblesse, Vaincre on ne peult noble coeur par largesse. Appendix. Dieu et le monde ingratitude en hainne Ont grandement, car I'offence est villainne. (41, recto) (Croese) 102. — Metiende vires. Ardua ne subeas ignota pondera molis, Ni bene sint tergi robora mensa tui. On doibt congnoistre sa puissance. N'entrepren fais trop ardu ne pesant, Si lu ne S9ais ton povoir suffisant. Appendix. Qui trop embrasse, on diet, que pen estrainct, L'oeuvre imparfaict foul laisser est contrainct. 103. — Nemo foelix ante ohitum. Ne quisquam extrema foelix nisi morte vocetur, Instruis accenso Craese ligate rogo. Nul homme eureux avant sa mort. D. H. Carnahan- — Maistre Eloy dit Mont^ diet Costentin. 141 Cresus instruict par ung cas douloureux, Qu'aulcun ne soit ains la mort diet heureux. Appendix. Mainct pensant boire, a la main tient sa tasse Plainne de vin qui malgre soy s'en passe. 104. — Gallic senatores. (Jiistitiae) Justicia e summo terras jove missa per omnes, Gallorum elegit tecta verenda patrum. Les senateurs de France. Justice en terre envoyee de Dieu, Chieux senateurs de France a prins son lieu. Appendix. Quand bien aymee est justice d'un prince, Elle ^ura regne en toute sa province. (Dares) 105. — Ne dhares cum entello^ (41, verso) (Si- Ne siculo phrigius cano decertet ephebus, ^ Fortius a lasso stant sola fixa bove. Que Dares ne combate avec Entellus. Arrogamment le jeune ne bataille Contre le vieil trop ruse en bataille. Vel. Le jeune au vieil ne se vueille debattre, Le vieil est ferrae et ruse a combatre. Appendix. Pour la victoire avoir, plus faiet prudence Que ne faict force ou grande violence. 106. — Soli christo qui est Alpha et fl, honor et gloria. (litera) Prima rudimenti supremaque littera graii, (Christe) Danda uni est dexter gloria cbriste tibi. A seul Christ commencement et tin, honneur et glore. Eternal Christ, fin, et commencement, Glore et honneur soit a toy seullement. Appendix. Commencement et fin du tresparfaict. Prent toute chose et sans luy n'est rien faict. Fin des disthicques, lexers traductions et appendices. » See the Aenead, Lib. V, 363-484. 142 D. H. Carnnhan — 3faistre JEloy du Mont, diet Costentin XVII. Ballade du bon Roy Fran^oys Laquklle s'adresse aulx Frax^ots Les premieres lectres prexdres Des lignes, ex vous apprendrez nom, surnom, du roy exalte Plus qu'aultre de la chrestiente. Fran9oys, uiig franc Fran903's en France Regne sur vous, sans mner lettre Avez ung nora ; vivre en souffrance N'est veu les siens Frangoys permectre ; Changer juges, aultres comraectre, On justice voit variable, II veult les bons en biens acroistre, Semblable aymer veult son semblable, De nom, de lignee et naissance Est Fran§oys, vostre roy et maistre, Vous estez Fran9oys, Convenance Aa'cz grande, done, debvez estre (42, verso) Loyaulx vers luy et en tout estre Ou serez de coeur amiable : If fault ses amis ap])aroistre Semblable aymer veult son semblable. France, qui vis en ta plaisance, Rend graces a Dieu qui fist naistre Aulx Fran9oys, Fran9oys, qui nuysance Ne te faict, ainsi que congnoistre Chacun peult, mais soingneux faict mettre Ordre partout, aulx bons affable, Jeete les maulvais a fenestre, Semblable aymer veult son semblable. Prince Fran9oys, tenant le ceptre Des Fran9oys en paix delectable, Les bons aymez a vostre dextre, Semblable aymer veult son semblable. D. H. (^arnahan — Maistre Eloy du Maori., diet Costentin. 1 43 XVIII. Les premieres lectres prendres, Et franc FRANgOYS vous apprendrks. (43, recto) Fonde siir foy le bienfaict acquiert grace, Rien ou bien pen vault le bien que Pen brasse, (Aiusi qu'on diet), sans foy et sans credence ; Nourrir pourtant de charite immense Convient la foj'^, aidtrement seroit crasse. Fo}' de marchant est de grand efficace Regnante foy, de gentilhomme passe Auquel on donne ung tiltre d'excellence, Fonde sur foy. Nom de chrestien, et de treschrestien, place Chez le Frango^'s a prins, sans qu'en desplace ; Ou la foy est en grande reverence Justice y est gavdee en diligence, Si le Fran9oys S9a3^t cas qui mal se face, Fonde sur foy. XIX. (43, verso) Jacobi Galli in eundem iiexastichox. Torvum formidant animalia queque leonem, Exiraito gallum, quo tremit ilia fera. Pervigil est gallus, vel noctis tempora prodens, Pro regno gallus diraicat usque ferox Gallo cuique quadrant, quae dixi, pluraque multo, Adficias regera proin quibus euloguis. XX. Franciscus BovaLus Montismarianus in tralationem disti- CHORDM FaUSTINORUM IN LINGUAM FrANCISCAM, AD LECTOREM. En patrio Faustus raisso sermone poeta, Francigenas Francis vocibus adloquitur Miretur quanquam, si quis modo sensus in illo est Dedignaturam non tamon esse puto, Disthica nam scripsit solis noscenda Latinis, Disthica moratis inclita carminibus. 144 D. II. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du Mont, diet Costentin. Nunc ea, vel vilis })as.sim plcbecula discit, Hinc format mores rustica turba suos. Optimus hoc Fausto tribuit Montanus ab ipso, Sunt lej)ide in Francos disthica versa raodos. Sed regi hoc debet Faustus, nam precipue illi • Montaiii eximium scriptitat ingenium. (44, recto) Montaniun et doctos quoscumque araat, et foyet hie rex, Huic debet musas Francia tota suas. Debet ei pacein, debet foelicia secla, Quid debet dicam ? debet et ipsa animam. XXI. B'^LADB DU Roy des Francoys, Le PKEMIER DE CE NOM FRANgOYS ; Les premieres lettres prendrez, Son NOM et suenom apprendrez, France a Fran9ois, Fran9oys a France, Roy, Fran§oys est, c'est ung bon heur Auquel debvons toute obeyssance ; Nous avons Fran§ois pour seigneur, C'est ung nom franc, doulx, sans rigueur, Oultre, selon la saincte lettre, II convient aymer de bon coeur Son Roy, son seigneur et son maistre. De franc, Fran9ois, nom de clemence Est derive pour sa doulceur, (44, verso) Valoys est ung nom d'excelence, Ainsi diet, Valoys, de valeur ; Le bon Roy Fran9oys, franc donneur, On ayme, et dedens son coeur mettre II convient en crainte et honneur, Son Roy, son seigneur et son maistre. France, nom de grande importance. Region des aultres la fleur. A prins de Francion nayssance. Nay d'Hector des Troyens tuteur ; Chacun Fran9oys, s'il n'est fauteur Ou par trop meschant, recongnoistre, II doibt comme bon serviteur. Son Roy, son seigneur et son maistre. D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy dn Mont, diet Coslentin. 145 Prince, des coeurs vray pocesseur, Tout le pays, sans tictif estre, Ayme de coeur, soyez en seur, Son Roy, son seigneur et son maistre. (45, recto) XXII. Balade du concept virginal, allusion prinse sur ce mot de Valots, en la personne de Marie. Le Roy peult faire a son vouloir Grace a I'un, I'autre faire pendre, L'un ennoblist et faict valoir En honneur, I'autre faict descendre : Dieu, (que plus puyssant faulte entendre Qu'ung roy lequel est sur les loix). Pure en concept me voulut rendre Puys qu'a Dieu pleut, je le valoys. Pas n'estoys a equipoller A Dieu pour en moy le comprendre, Mais il luy pleut tant m'extoller Que pour mere me voulut prendre, Voulant qu'en moy n'eust que reprendre : Raison ont done Normans, Gaulois, De mon concept pur entreprendre, Puys qu'a Dieu pleut, je le valoys. (45, verso) II n'est pas besoing, soit en parler Ou en escript, du faict contendre Lequel Dieu veult, qui peult par I'air Et tons lieux sa puyssance estendre ;, Contre envieux, done, voulans tendre Me blasmer, soit maistre ou valletz, Aultre raison ne veuil pretendre, Puys qu'a Dieu pleut, je le valoys. Envoy. Prince, faictes resouldre en cendre Mes raaldisans, soient clerz ou laiz. Pour ceste raison leur apprendre, Puys qu'a Dieu pleut, je le valoys. 140 D. 11. {Jarnahan — Maistre IlIixj da Mont, diet Costentin. (46, recto) XXJII. Rondeau Joyeux a sa dame. Les premieres lettres prendras Et franc Fean^oys tu apprendras. Faictes ainsy (Dame), comrae j'entens Rien envers vous qu'amitie ne pretens, A vostre amy ce qii'il vous admonneste Ne denyez, ce n'est cas deshonneste, C'est quf d'amours ayons le passetemps. Femme entendu en amoureux contendz Rend son amy dii niunbre des contentz, A luy jamaiz n'escondit la requeste ; Faictes ainsy. Ne retardez (Dame), ce que j'attens, Cest fruict d'amours a aultre cas ne tens, Ou le servant de bien servir s'appreste II est de droict que sa dame lu}' preste Son domicile et houstilz competens ; Faictes ainsy. (46, verso) XXIV. " Christe qui lux es et dtes.'" (Traduict jouxte la lettre DE LA MESURE ET QUANTITE d'iCELLE, QUI EST ORAISON CONVENABLE quand on SE COUCHE AU SOIR.) O Christ, lumiere ei jour nomme, Christe qui lux es et dies j)g ^^^j^^ j^g tenebres chassant, noctis tenebi'as detegis lucisque lumen crederis Splendeur de lumiere estime, lumen beatuinpredicaus. Heureuse lumiere annun9ant. Seigneur, sainct priaires faisons Precamur sancte domine q^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^-^^ ^^^^ aydant, deftende nos m hac nocte ^ j j ^ _ sit nobis in te requies Et tousjours en toy reposons quietam noctem tribue. Tranquille nuict nous concedant. Noz yeulz en repos soient rendus, Oculi somnum capiant j^^g ^^^^^j.^ toug^ours en toy veiUans, cor ad te semper vigilet •'. '' dextera tua protegat Par ta dextre soient deffendus famulos qui te diligunt. ^erviteurs ton amour voulans. ' The Latin "oraison," which is given by the aiithor in the margin, is taken directly from two Ambrosian hymns; the ''Hymuus ad completorium " and the '• Hymnus Vespertinus." D. H. Carnahan — Maistre Eloy du 3font, diet Costentin. 147 JMe gravis somnus irrnat De gref dormir iie soyons prins TVT 1 X- . . , Et du faulx ennemy surprins, jNec nostis nos surnpiat -^ ^ _ ' nee caro illi conseutieiis Qu'a luy lie conseilte la chair nos tibi reos statuat. q^^j ^g^.^ ^^^ j^^^^^ ^^^^ peclier. Regarde nous, vray deffenseur, SiTesTepriSr"' Noz ennemis soient reprimfe, guberna tuos famulos Regi tes servantz soubz toy seur qnossangninemercatuse8.Q^^g ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ redimez, Memento nostri domine in gravi isto corpora qui es defensor anime adesto nobis domine. Souvienne toy de nous, Seigneur. Tant qu'en ce gref corps avons cours. Qui de nostre ame es gouverneur ; Soys present nous feisant secours. Soit glore au pere createur, Deo patri sit gloria ^ g^^^ ^1^ gemblablement, ejiisqne son nlio cum spiritu paraclito Avec I'esprit consolateur, et nunc et in perpetuum. Pj-esent et eternellement. Maria mater gratia mater misercoi'die tu nos ab hoste protege et bora mortis suscipe. O Marie, mere de grace, De misericorde aussi mere, De nous le faulx ennemy cliasse, Pren nous I'heure de mort amere. XXV. Dizain de France et Italie. Italiens ont moult France ennoblie De deux grandz biens, de la langue latine, D'un aultre bien qui vault qu'on ne I'oublie, C'est de la sage et tresnoble daulphine.' () France, France, a Dieu tu rendras grace, Le suppliant que de temps longue espace Soit la daulphine avecques le daulpbin, Et qu'ilz ne soient frustrez de leur attente Par mort crnelle, en attendant la fin Que du bon Roy nature soit contente. 1 See page 92 of the Introduction. H^l b TRANSACTIONS OF IfKE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY Oi^ ARTS AI'JD SCIENCES Incorporateu a. D. lhl(>l<. Xo. 143, State Library of Pennsylvania. A. L. Bishop — The State Worls of Pennsylvania. 175 indicated in its name. Forty-eight of tlie leading citizens of Philadelphia were the charter members, while the honorary list contained the names of some of the most active friends of internal improvements in the United States. Within a year a fund of $5,540 was accumulated by the members paying $100 each and by sub- scriptions from interested citizens and corporations.* The edu- cational work was placed in the hands of an "Acting Committee." Broadly speaking, it was twofold, — first, to disseminate knowledge throughout the state regarding the present transportation situation and the urgent need of improvements; second, to collect informa- tion possessed by other states and foreign countries concerning trans- portation. The former was designed to strengthen the ranks of the progressive party until a united effort .would force the legislature to action. The latter would put them in possession of the technical knowledge required for the work of construction as soon as it should be authorized. Several movements w^ere soon started to effect the first of these objects. To these attention will be given later. As a preliminary measure, however, a circular letter was sent to leading men in all parts of the state, outlining the plans and purposes of the society and inviting their co-operation. A variety of pamphlets on turn- pike roads, canals and railroads was published and widely circu- lated. In these and similar efforts to mould public opinion, many of the city and country newspapers gave their support. To attain the second object, the recent experience of !N^ew York in building the Erie canal was studied. In addition to this, Wil- liam Strickland, an architect and engineer of Philadelphia, was employed at a liberal salary to make an investigation of European railroads and canals. He left Philadelphia in March, 1825, and returned the following December. Most of his time was spent in England and Scotland. He procured for the society a working * These were principally coal companies. See Carey, Brief View of the System of Internal Improvements of the State of Pennsylvania, p. 7. "At a meeting of the 'Pennsylvania Societj'' for the promotion of Internal Improvements in the Commonwealth' held at Heiskell's Hotel, February 25, 1825, . . . two letters were read, one from the Lehigh Coal Navigation Company, highly ajiprobatory of the objects and efTorts of the society, and tendering a donation of $200 as their contribution towards the effectuation of those objects — the other of similar import, with a donation of $100 from the Schuylkill NaA-igation Company." — United States Gazette, March 1st, 1825. 176 A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. model of a locomotive engine of the best type tlien kno-mi, having a two-man power. His report,* which was soon published, con- tained a collection of useful information concerning the various purposes of his mission. He described conditions as he found them, and made numerous drawings of various parts of railways, canals, etc. He did not apply the information received to American con- ditions, nor did he recommend the adoption of either railways or canals in Pennsylvania. In all points of public policy he was entirely non-committal. Meanwhile vigorous efforts were being put forth to spread the popular movement. At a meeting of the Improvement Society held in February, 1825, a committee was appointedf to prepare an address^ to the citizens of the state concerning the urgent need of a direct line of communication to the West. Within a week it was ready and soon it was widely circulated.§ Its framers disclaimed at the outset any prejudice for or against any particular route. The same attitude was announced regarding the adoption of a railway or a canal. Not until accurate explorations and surveys had been made, and fuller information obtained by disinterested parties, could these questions be properly determined. Waiving these minor considerations for the time being, it was earnestly hoped that there would be a united effort on the part of all the people of the state to bring about a transportation line to the West. Three principal arguments were brought forward to justify the present appeal to the people — the financial benefit ; the need of the proposed work to preserve the commercial life of Philadelphia; and the effect it * Reports on canals, railways, roads, etc., made to "The Pennsylvania Society for the Promotion of Internal Improvement," by William Strickland, Architect and Engineer. Philadelphia, 1826. f The committee consisted of Messrs. Samuel Archer, Stephen Girard, Nicholas Biddle, John Connelly, Paul Beck, John Moss, E. S. Burd, Nathan Sellers, Samuel Wetherill, Thomas Leiper, John Sergeant, Nathaniel Chap- man, Samuel D. Ingham, Thomas Cadvvallader, and Mathew Carey. — United States Gazette, March 1st, 182.5. $A brief address had been published in the United States Gazette, etc., on January 25th, 1825. It occupied one column and was concerned mainly with showing the relative decline of Philadelphia's trade as compared with New York and Baltimore. § "An address to the Citizens of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania by a Committee of the Permsylvania Society for the Promotion of Internal . Improvements in the Commonwealth." It was issued in the form of a pam- phlet of ten pages. '.Fhe newspapers of the state were requested to copy it. A. L. Bishop — The State WorJcs of Pennsylvania. 177 would have upon tlie economic activity of tlie state. Let us briefly examine the case* as presented. The financial success of a trunk line to the West was assured. The tolls of the Erie canal had increased from $20,224 in 1821 to $340,642 in 1824. .The yearly interest on the capital invested in the canal was $375,823 ; and even before its completion the tolls were almost equal to this sum. ISTew York expected to liquidate the entire debt in ten years, and then the canal fund would defray all the expenses of government, and leave an annual surplus to extend internal improveonents within the state. If this could be done, surely Pennsylvania, a richer state, and one better situated for controlling the trade of the West, had ensured to her, from the start, the ultimate success of a similar work.* Philadelphia's peculiar interest in the proposed improvement was explained by the fact that the exertions of her neighbors on the north and on the south threatened her commercial extinction. The present efforts were calculated not merely to regain what was lost. The struggle was of a more serious nature. For without a more rapid and less expensive route than then existed, not even the trade with the western part of Pennsylvania could be retained. To illustrate the general economic effect of internal improve- ments, the advantages England had derived from her canal system were outlined. Reference also was made to the stimulating effect of the Middlesex canalf upon the dormant energies of JSTew Hamp- shire. A "more recent and still more impressive" instance was found in N'ew York. Land contiguous to the Erie canal had risen in value from three to five dollars per acre. Towns Avere spring- ing up along its banks in places where, a few years previously, there were no settlements at all. Small villages, within three or * "Though it may at first appear doubtful, we feel confident, that immense as are the benefits secured to New York by her Erie canal, the Pennsylvania canal (or railway as the case may be) to connect the settlements on the Allegheny with those on the Susquehanna, the Schuylkill, and the Delaware, will insure to this state more solid advantages." — Extract from the address. f Tlie company was incorporated in 1789, although the canal was not completed till 1808. It extended from Clielmsford on the Merrimac, two miles above Lowell, to one of the inlets of Charles river, in Charlestown. This canal, like the Boston and Lowell railroad, was designed to facilitate intercourse between the Merrimac valley, in New Hampshire, and Boston. — • Tanner, Canals and Railroads of the United States, p. 43. 178 A. L. Bishop — The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. four years, had doubled their population and were now thriving towns. The advantages that would accrue to all classes from improved transportation methods were carefully detailed. The farmer would find increased demand, brisker sales and higher prices for his produce; the merchant, a wider field for his business; the manu- facturer and mechanic, more certain employment and better pay for their industry; the capitalist, a better interest on his money; and the owner of lands and houses, a rise in rents of 25 or 30 per cent. Since every class participated in general prosperity, and suffered in general depression, the movement for internal improve- ments deserved the support of all. While the attention of the public was being directed repeatedly to the subject of transportation, the Improvement Society was occu- pied in promoting another movement. Its purpose was to impress the legislature with the strength of the popular movement. At the suggestion of the society, a public convention* of the citizens of the city and county of Philadelphia was held in the county court house on January 24th, 1825. f The attendance was large and the whole subject of internal improvements was discussed at length.:]: A -resolution was passed to the effect that a "water, communica- tion ought to be opened with all practical expedition between the Susquehanna and Allegheny rivers, and between the Allegheny river and Lake Erie, at such points as the wisdom of a suitable board of skilful and experienced engineers may select" ; also that the work ought to be built and paid for by the state. A committee of twenty-four§ was appointed to prepare a memorial to the legis- lature embodying the opinions of the convention. The "Acting * A full account of the proceedings of this convention is given in the United States Gazette, January 28th, 1825. t The meeting adjourned after some preliminary discussion and reassem- bled three days later. $ Chief Justice William Tilghman was president of tlie meeting, and Nicho- las Biddle, President of the United States Bank, was secretary. § The following gentlemen composed the committee: — Chief Justice Tilgh- man, Judge Duncan, John Sergeant, N. Biddle, M. Carey, R. Peters, Jr., C. J. Ingersoll, W. T. Duane, J. Randall, B. Chew, Jr., Manuel Eyre, Samuel Weth- erill, C. Evans, Samuel Arohei-, Daniel W. Coxe, Thomas Biddle, Paul Beck, Jr., George Vaux, Charles Penrose, T. ^^■. Morris, Samuel Mifflin, James Eonaldson, Daniel Groves and -lolm Nagle. This committee contained a number of members of the Improvement Society. A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 179 Committee" of the Improvement Society rendered valuable assist- ance in this matter. The memorial* was duly prepared and the organization for its extensive circulation was carried out even to the minutest details. Ward and district committees in every county in the state were engaged to secure signatures. An examination of the county newspapers of this date shows that the memorial aroused much interest. Public meetings were held in the halls or schoolhouses in many communities to discuss the various phases of the question at issue. It took but a few days to complete the canvass in some dis- tricts, while in others the matter required more time. By the middle of February, the memorials began to be presented to the legislature, and, for some weeks afterwards, they continued to pour in.f Their effect was reflected in a billlj: reported in the senate on the last day of February, 1825, entitled, "An Act to appoint a Board of Canal Commissioners." It passed the third reading on the eighth of the following month and thenext day the clerk of the senate presented it to the legislature for concurrence. With vari- ous changes and amendments it passed the third reading in the house on April 6th by a vote of 63 to 15. A compromise on the points of difference was easily adjusted and on April 11th it was duly approved§ by Governor Shultze. This act repealed the one of March 27th, 1824, and now empow- ered the governor to appoint five canal commissioners. Their duty was to take all necessary steps in preparation for "the establish- ment of a navigable communication between the eastern and western waters of the state, and Lake Erie." The board was to choose one of their number for a president. Also the appointment of a suit- able secretary with an adequate remuneration rested in their hands. * For the full text of this' niemoiial see Appendix I, p. 261. f See J. H. Rep., 1824-25, Vol. I. The following pages contain notices of petitions, as above, being presented: 341, 344, 352, 358, 359, 364, 371 (eight different ones, Febrnary 16th, 1825), 376, 384 (five, February 18th, 1825), 391, 392 (ten, February lOth. 1825), 397 (fourteen, Februaiy 21st, 1825), 401, 416, 417, 424, 430, 435, 443, 454, 461, 467, 477, 482, 493, 499, 500, 507, 515, 518, 523, .529, 536, 547, 557. 574, .586, 598, 619, 686. 716, 741 (April 7t.h, 1825). See also Senate Journal, 1824-25. $ Senate Journal, 1824-25, p. 519. § J. H. Rep., 1824-25, I, p. 816. Full text of act in Pamphlet Laws, 1824. 25, p. 238. 180 A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 1^0 compensation was to be allowed for their services, but they were to be reimbursed for all reasonable expenses incurred in the execution of tlieir duties. Power Avas given to them to employ, at reasonable salaries, engineers, surveyors and draftsmen to assist in making examination and surveys. After this work had been done, the commissioners were instructed to make detailed estimates of the sum of money necessary to complete the canals, feeders, and reservoirs, according to the plan they should recommend. They, were also directed to inquire how a canal fund to build the works could best be created; to ascertain the terms upon which loans could be obtained; and to devise means for providing for the payment of the interest, and for the ultimate liquidation of the principal. Before the end of April Governor Shultze had appointed as members of the canal board. Dr. Robert M. Patterson and John Sergeant of Philadelphia, Dr. William Darlington of Chester county, David ' Scott of Luzerne county and Albert Gallatin of Fayette county.* The latter, however, declined the appointment and his place was taken by General Abner Laycock. In conse- quence of the delay thus incurred, the board Avas not formally organized until July 4th, when John Sergeant was elected president and Joseph Mcllwaine secretary, and the notes, papers, etc., of the late commissioners were handed over to the new board. Vigorous efforts were at once undertaken to carry into execution the tasks set for them. William Wilson was selected as chief engineer, and at a meeting held on October 26th, reports were made by him and also by John Mitchell on surveys made during the preceding months. In December, closely following his arrival from England, William Strickland was retained as consulting engineer, and engaged to prepare maps and estimates of the several routes already surveyed. By the appointment of a board of canal* commissioners, the aims of the numerous friends of internal improvements had been only partly realized. Some more impressive influence than numerous petitions must be brought to bear upon the government urging it to provide for the immediate commencement of the canal. This was provided for in the movement which culminated in the Harrisburg convention held from August 4th to 6th, 1825. * Nilcs' Reg., XXVIII (April :^ntli,, 1825), p. 144. This journal in remark- ing upon the appointment pronounced it "an admirable selection." A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 181 At a public meeting of tlie citizens of the city and county of Philadelpliia on May 3d, called by the committee of twenty-four, the preliminary arrangements were made for this gathering. The "Acting Committee" of the Improvement Society was directed to second the movement. A large number of influential citizens was present and after a good deal of discussion it was decided to call a convention at Harrisburg, on August 4th, to discuss the whole subject of internal improvements.* It was believed that if delegates from all quarters of the state could thus be assembled, and if a majority of them endorsed the popular movement for a canal to the West, the government then would have no reason to further delay the commencement of the work. Six delegates from the city and seven from the county of Philadelphia were appointed. f The duties of the committee of twenty-four were renewed, and arrangements were made for a systematic canvass so that every part of the state should be represented. Within two weeks several counties had appointed^ or were preparing to appoint delegates. From this time on the county newspapers contained reports of numerous meetings held for the discussion of transportation improvements, and to consider the advisability of sending repre- sentatives to the proposed convention. It is not to be understood that there was no opposition — far from it. Even in the town meeting held at Philadelphia, serious objection s§ were raised to the resolution to call a convention. It was urged that such a gathering might retard the movement for putting through at once the main line of works; that it might excite angry feelings ; or that discord in the convention might produce hostility in the legislature. As would naturally be expected, the ai'guments used in other parts of the state were of a diiferent ■' A full account of the proceedings of the meeting is given in the United States Gazette of May 10th, 1825. ■j- For the City. For the County. J. Sergeant, • J. Holgate, W. T. Duane, Daniel Groves, M. Carey, Alex. McCaraher, W. Lehman, Geo. W. Riter, M. Eyre, Samuel Breck, C. T. Ingersoll. Jam^s Ronaldson, Samuel Humphreys. J United States Gazette, May 24th, 1825. § See United States Gazette, May 24th, 1825. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 14 Nov., 1907. 182 A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. character. The Miners' Journal* of Pottsville, Schuylkill county, was perhaps the most pronounced and hitter in its criticisms. It ■was urged that a portion of the state would he injured by the improvements that were in contemplation, and that superabundant advantages would accrue to Philadelphia at the expense of the country districts. These and other objections were due largely to sectional jealousies and local interests prevailing to a greater or less degree in various parts of the state. Among the criticisms offered at this time, however, were some that proved to be nothing short of sound judgment. Moreover they showed, at least to unprejudiced minds, that there were really two sides to the canal project. The following article from the Erie Gazette, written when the popular movement was nearly at its height, is typical of a feeling shared by a conservative element in various parts of the state : — "The advocates of a grand canal in this state have, in taking the N'ew York canal as the basis of their calculations, entirely over- looked its peculiar advantages. The Clinton canal (it may with propriety be so named) traverses a country so level that the amount of its lockage does not much exceed the height of Lake Erie above tide water — passes at right angles to the course of numerous rivers that flow from the south, is consequently easily and abundantly supplied with water — possesses along its whole extent a fine wheat country — terminates in Lake Erie, and thus connects an immense inland navigation with the ocean at the city of N'ew York, the commercial depot of America. A canal through Pennsylvania would have nothing in common with this, excepting its termina- tion in Lake Erie. How far it might compete with others for the * "If the proposed improvement be m.ade at the expense of the state, each and every county must and will bear their equal proportion of the expense, the benefit of which will be received entirely by the city and county of Phila- delphia, and those counties through which the improvement will pass. Hence the counties removed from the line of communication ^^^ll be paying for an -improvement from which they will not only receive no benefit whatever, but by which they will be very materially injured, unless measures are taken to prevent it." "All that the city cares for, is to get the proposed improvements made, and that at the expense of the State; when these are accomplished the counties may get Avhat they can . . . The country has nothing to expect from the liberality of the city; the latter will get all they can and then be the first to oppose every measure calculated to promote the interests of the former." — See letter signed "T'rindley" in the United States Gazette of Jime 3d, 1825, which contains quotations from the Miners' Journal. See also same paper for June 7th, 1825. A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 183 trade of that lake, may iu some measure be estimated by the fact that before it could advance fifteen miles from the lake, it would require a lockage almost equal to the whole of that of the JSTew York canal. The amount of the whole lockage required can only be known when surveys are completed, probably four to five tinies that of ]^ew York. The expense of constructing such a canal ought to be estimated, not from the average of the other, but the most expensive part of it. . . . It is not intended by these obser/vations to discourage the forma- tion of canals where they may be of advantage. No objections occur to exploring and surveying the State with a view to improve- ments. Information will be gained, and if it is found to be imprac- ticable or unadvisable to canal its whole extent, still it may be done partially with advantage and profit. Our State possesses many natural advantages — let us improve them. We will certainly fail to compete with the State of New York for the trade of the West. Nature has given her advantages in such a competition which we cannot overcome."* In spite of opposition and objections that were urged against both the proposed canal and the convention, the movement pro- ceeded apace. Whether on account of interest in promoting the cause or to check any eifort made by the friends of the movement, delegatesf were appointed by all the counties of the state except two. At ten o'clock Thursday morning, August 4th, they assembled in the hall| of the house of representatives at Harrisburg. A com- mittee was appointed to frame a set of resolutions which would bring the matters for consideration properly before the meeting. The following day, when they reported in favor of the state build- ing a canal to connect the Susquehanna with the Ohio and Lake Erie, a storm of opposition arose. It was confidently asserted that the measure was impracticable ; that the movement was premature ; that the canal would injure the turnpikes; that the resources of the state were inadequate for building the works; that it would require oppressive taxation to which the people would not submit; ■"" This article, copied from the Erie Gazette, appeared in the Harrisburg Chronicle on March 10th, 1825. f The United States Gazette of August 19th, 1825, in commenting upon this convention said: "Tlie convention at Harrisburg for internal improve- ments was, whether in reference to the majority or minority, superior to any body of the same number which has assembled in this state for many years." :j; Provision had been made for the meetings of the delegates to be held in this place, by Mr. Lehman, the representative for Philadelphia, submitting in the house a resolution to that effect on April 11th, which passed by a vote of 41 to 26.— See J. H. Rep., 182-4-25, I, p. 791. 184 .4. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. that i'liiladelpliia Avas llie prime mover in the agitation and that she would receive the greatest advantage from the improvements; that those parts of the state through which the canal passed would receive undue benefits at the common expense. Among those opposed* to the scheme were all the delegates from Bedford, Frank- lin, Cumberland, York, Lancaster, Northampton, Pike, Wayne, Bradford mid Tioga counties. The cause for this opposition is apparent. An examination of the accompanying map of Pennsylvania shows that the first five of these counties are situated in the southern part of the state. Their exports, consisting of grain, flour and other farm produce, were marketed principally in Baltimore and the neigliboring counties of Maryland and Virginia. The turnpike through Lancaster gave a direct communication to Philadelphia satisfactory to the inhabi- tants of that county. The other district whose delegates unani- mously opposed the resolutions was in the northeastern part of the state. These counties had no chance of sharing the benefits of the proposed improvements. Moreover, those on the northern border of the state carried on their limited trade with Wew York. With little or no chance of participating in the proposed canal to the West, except to help pay for it, it is no wonder that the representa- tives of the opposition states took the stand they did. The friends of the movement were in the majority, however, and ably refuted the arguments of those attempting to block the passage of the resolutions. The whole case for the proposed improvements was presented in a way that could not fail to con- vince the doubtful. The discussion was prolonged until the third day; and, finally, after numerous amendments were proposed by the minority to no avail, the resolutionsf as framed by the com- mittee were adopted by a large majority.^ * A full list of the delegates from eacli oomity, showino- the way they voted, is found in A]>|)en(li\' II. p. 264. •{• For the full text of the resolutions see Appendix III, p. 26G. The woi'ds "within her borders" in the first resohition were struck out, however, since it was urged tliat tliey might he considered as aiming a blow at the proposed canal to comiect the Potomac and the Ohio. — ^Niles' Reg., XXIX, p. 62. Another unimportant resolution was added to those reported by the com- mittee, for which see Niles' Reg., XXIX, p. 62. + The vote on the liist three resolutions was approximately 87 ayes and 26 nays. The references we have seen differ somewhat, being probably written from memory. The vote on the fourth resolution, which really had no bearing on the important objects of the convention, was 107 ayes and 6 nays. • • • Ma? or ?ENNJYLVAtTIA • • • vShowin^ population by covuxti&s an. l&ZO^ Total population of the ,3tate at this date ; 1,043,4^56. (7/bi!e : In 1620 /n/F/m Qounty included t£e terjvtorjr ^Jiown on tAe map a^ (Junzccta Country. A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 185 The Plarrisburg convention was a decided victory for the pro- gressive party. It was now felt that the legislature had, in the pro- ceedings of this body, the fullest evidence of the wishes of the people. To its action, the public mind was now directed with con- fidence and pleasing anticipation. On the 6th of December the legislature convened. With refer- ence to internal improvements, Governor Shultze's message* was conservative ; but it was regarded as "susceptible of no misappre- hension. "f Referring to the much agitated canal, he stated : — '^Desirable as it is to facilitate intercourse between all parts of our Commonwealth, and to do it speedily, still this desire will not induce the representatives of a prudent people to engage in such great enterprises without having before them all the information and the knowledge which are essential to entering upon and com- pleting the work in the best, most durable, and most economical manner." No time was lost in bringing to the attention of the legislature the wishes of the populace. The day after the opening of the session a resolutionlj: was introduced in the house looking towards the commencement of the long-desired canal. The manner was afterwards referred to from time to time. On the 16th of January, 1826, the "Committee on Inland Navigation and Internal Improvement" introduced a bill§ entitled, "An Act to Provide for the Commencement of a Canal, to be constructed at the Expense of the State, and to be styled, 'The Pennsylvania Canal.' " It passed the third reading on the 2d of February by a vote of 61 to 32||. The bill passed the senate|[ on the 22d of the same month - * See. J. H. Rep., 1825-26, II, No. 1. f From Editorial in United States Gazette of December 13th, 1825. t See J. H. Rep., 1825-26, I, p. 11. § See J. H. Rep., 1825-26, I, p. 192. II See J. H. Rep., 1825-26, I, pp. 310-311. Tlie vote shows that the oppo- sition included all the members from those counties that voted "nay" at the Harrisburg convention, also the representatives of several counties between the Delaware and the Susquehanna, already provided with adequate means of transportation. All the members from Adams, Bedford, Cimiber- land, Franklin, Lancaster ('vitli one exception), Lehigh, Lebanon, Northamp- ton, Perry, Pike, Union, Wayne, and York counties A'oted against the bill. Berks, JNIontgomery, Schuylkill. Westmoreland, and Philadelphia counties were divided. Mr. Heston, one of the members for Philadelphia county, voted in the negative, in opposition to his colleagues, and to the sentiments of his constituency. — Caiey, BriJ'f View of the System of Internal Improve- ments of the State of Pennsylvania, p. xv. ^ See Senate Journal, 1825, p. 363. Ilie vote was nineteen ayes — fourteen navs. 186 A. L. Bishop — The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. with minor amendments, which were approved of by the house the following day; and two days later by the approval of the Governor, the commencement of the canal to connect the eastern and western waters was provided for by an Act of Assembly. The indomitable perseverance of the advocates of the scheme in Phila- delphia and elsewhere had at last borne fruit. The Act of February 25th provided for the commencement of the canal at both extremities simultaneously. The parts authorized to be put under contract at this time together constituted but a small fraction of the total length.* They were as follows : — From the western end of the Union canal to a point on the Susquehanna opposite the mouth of the Juniata; and from Pittsburg to the mouth of the Kiskeminetas. The combined length of these sec- tions was fifty-four miles. Since they were common to all the routes proposed, it was considered safe to commence them before it was finally decided what line the canal should follow through the center of the state. This view was the result of three reports recently made to the legislature. The recommendations made by the first board of commissioners appointed on March 27th, 1824, have already been examined. Two reportsf made by the board of canal commissioners previous to the passage of the Act of February 25th, 1826, demon- strated equally well the practicability of building a canal to connect the eastern and western waters. But the question of route for all the sections, excepting limited portions at either end, was still some- what in dispute. Accordingly, more accurate and detailed sur- veys were necessary to warrant the legislature in deciding upon the best location for the canal. In view of the policy adopted later, it is important at this point to note that the popular movement was for but one improved line of transportation. The various reports of the canal commissioners, and of the committee on roads and inland navigation, show that their efforts had been directed to the problem of discovering which one of the three possible routes was preferable. Moreover, the Act * This act also provided for tlie construction of a navigable feeder of a canal from French creek to the summit level at Conneaut lake as soon as the canal commissioners should deem it expedient and practicable; also for the surveying and locating of a canal from Conneaut lake to Lake Erie. fl^ecembor 30th, 1825, and February 3rtl, 1826,— formd in J. H. Rep., 1825-26, II, pp. 159-163 and 222-233. A. L. Bishop — The State Worlxs of Pennsylvania. 187 of February 25th made no reference to the building or even to the surveying of lateral lines. The title of the act (p. 185) shows that it was to provide for a canal to be called ''The Pennsylvania Canal" ; and further evidence is furnished by its preamble that public opin- ion called for the construction of a single work to connect the eastern and western waters. In a word, the whole movement for improvements in transportation facilities from the very beginning until legislation was secured authorizing the commencement of construction had been for a direct avenue of commerce to the "West. That it should be pushed through at once with all consistent speed was the programme agitated; for in no other way might Philadelphia have a fair chance with New York and Baltimore in the struggle for the western trade. Lateral lines were mentioned as being necessary as feeders to the main canal; but all references to them indicated that the intention was to postpone their construc- tion at least until the main line should be built. In conclusion, a word is necessary as to why the state itself undertook to build the work rather than entrust its construction to a private company. It does not appear that the adoption of that policy was due to any fear of corporate power. On the contrary, the incorporation of companies to construct and operate works of public utility in many cases was considered necessary.* The creation in the past of numerous turnpike, bridge and navigation * "Tlie incorporation of companies to carry on works of great public utility, such as canals and turnpike roads, which necessarily require large associa- tions to furnish the capital, which the finances of the state may not be in a situation to meet, have ever been found useful and efficient means of accomplishing these important public ends; and banking and insurance com- panies have also been classed with these objects which render corporate power necessary to conduct their operation with advantage to the public. But the incorporation of associations to carry on a business within the reach of individual capital, by conferring on them extraordinary privileges and exempting them from the ordinary personal liabilities, is not only incon- sistent with the dictates of sound political economy, but at open war with the principles of a free government. This sound distinction in the incoi*- porating of companies to accomplish works of great public utility, and those for the mere purpose of promoting objects within the sphere of individual enterprise, has happily been adopted and pursued by the legislature of this state with few exceptions, and the instances of departure from this whole- some discrimination, furnish the strongest evidence in favor of the wisdom of the general course of policy." — Report of Committee of the Senate of Pennsylvania, regarding corporations, read February 4th, 1825. 188 .4. L. Bisliop — The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. companies furnishes conclusive evidence on this point. Moreover, as we have already seen, the state from time to time had made lib- eral subscrijitions to the stocks of these concerns. Having pursued a policy of assistance in the past, it was no radical change, at this time, for the energies of the government to be applied directly to matters of internal improvement. But there seem to have been definite reasons why the Avork was constructed by the state itself. In the first place, the era of large corporations had not been reached by 1826, and there was not the large quantity of floating capital, such as exists nowadays, ready to be applied to the purchase of stocks. Moreover individual capital and energy were not considered commensurate with such an exten- sive enterprise as that proposed.* Again, even though sufficient private capital could have been commanded to build the canal, the advantages to be derived from it after its construction were regarded as too numerous and important to be surrendered to a corporation. It was believed that both the maximum of impartiality and the minimum of cost of operation would be insured by state control; and, since the canal was essentially a state object, these needed to be guaranteed to every one of its citizens. Moreover, the work was looked upon as a source of large income in the future. This point seems to have been hardly doubted by the majority. Hence the opportunity to fill the public treasury by such a legitimate source of income as canal tolls should be seized and not be forfeited to a few individuals. In view of the general acceptance of these ideas, throughout the whole popular movement the question as to who should build the contemplated improvement was discussed but incidentally, it being taken for granted that if the work were built at all, it should be executed and operated l>y the state. * "Tlio ])iil)lie are now firmly eonviiieod tliat. in the United States, where the fortunes of private individuals are limited in amount, great public works can only be accomplished by the expenditure of the public treasury." — Facts and arguments in favor of adopling Railways in preference to Canals in the State of Pennsylvania, p. 10. A. L. Bishop — The State Woi^ls of Pennsylvania. 189 Chapter III. — The Construction of the Public Works. In response to tiieir new duties detailed in the Act of February 25tli, 1826, the canal commissioners* immediately prepared for the work of construction. On April 5th, ISTathan S. Roberts, an efficient engineer formerly employed on the Erie canal, was sent to locate the line between Pittsburg and the Kiskeminetas river. The deter- mination of the other section between the Swatara and the Juniata was entrusted to William Strickland, and on the 19th of June Gov- ernor Shultze approved his location. Accordingly, on July 4th, 1826, near the Capitol at Harrisburg, the ground was first brokenf in the construction of the Pennsylvania canal. In their reports of December 11th, 1826, and of February 6th, 1827, the commissioners stated that they had put under contract 22 1/^ miles of work along the Susquehanna river, and 24 along the Allegheny. A large force of laborers^ had been engaged for both sections, and construction was being pushed along rapidly. The surveys made during the preceding year had convinced the board * The first acting commissioners appointed in accordance with section 2 of the Act of February 25th, 1826, were General Abner Laycock and Charles Mowry, for the eastern and western sections respectively. By Act of April 10th, 1826, the board of canal ccmmissioners was aug- mented by the apjjointment of four new members, making a total of nine, five of whom constituted a qiiorum. By Act of April 16th, 1829, the power to appoint them was transferred from the governor to the legislature. Their period of service was one year. By Act of April 6th, 1830, the number of the commissioners was reduced to three, and the go\ernor was again authorized to appoint them. Another change was made in the canal board in 1841 by which each branch of the legislature appointed one member and the governor the third. The appointments to this office were largely political. See Niles' Reg., XXXVI, p. 268, and LIX, p. .359. t J. H. Rep., 1834-5, III, p. 3. X Tlie writer made a careful examination of the reports of the canal com- missioners covering the whole period of construction of the public works, to discover whether or not any 'delay was caused by a scarcity of laborers. The conclusion reached was that at no time was there any serious interruption of work due to this cause. The delays were most often due to the appro- priations becoming exhausted, or to timber and other construction materials running out. The workmen were frequently discharged at these times, and made engagements elsewhere, so that wlien work was ready to be resumed it required some time to get laborers. — See J. H. Rep., 1827-28, II, pp. 99, 138 and 216; 1828-29, II, p. 68; 1829-30 II, p. 239; 1830-31, II, p. 222; 1833-34, III, pp. 16, 45, 46 and 63. Xumerous references in Canal Commissioners' Report in J. H. Rep., 1831-32, II. 190 A. L. Bishop — The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. that of the three possible routes to the West, the one via the Juniata was, by far, the most practicable. In recommending its adoption the commissioners stated that a portage wagon road* over the moun- tain should connect the canal sections on either side. Since the Act of February 25th provided for the construction of only two short sections of the canal, in order to avoid delay, it was now necessary that additional legislation should be passed. The most advantageous route having been determined by those best calculated to pass judgment thereon, there was no further need of deferring action. Accordingly, on the 9th of April, 1827, "An Act to provide for the further extension of the Pennsylvania canal"t received the governor's approval. It required the commissioners to locate and contract for making a canal along the valley of the Juniata from the Susquehanna to Lewistown; to build a canal, locks and other necessary works from the western section to Blairs- ville via the Kiskeminetas and Conemaugh; to commence work on the feeder from French Creek to Conneaut lake ; to contract for all sections common to both of the proposed routes^ between Pittsburg and Lake Erie; to build the works necessary for a canal naviga- tion up the Susquehanna from the Juniata to iSTorthumberland; and to expend not more than $100,000 for the construction of a canal along the Delaware river between Bristol and Easton.§ The same act of legislature required the commissioners to undertake at once numerous surveys extending to almost every stream of the commonwealth and to nearly every section of the state. An analysis of the above shows that, of the six different parts of the improvement system whose commencement was now provided for, only two were on the main line.|| These were along the Juniata * At this time the prevailing opinion was that the link between the canals on either side of the mountain should be a macadamized road. fLaws of PennsylA'ania, 1826-27, p. 192. See also J. H. Rep., 1830-31, II, pp. 600-601. I These were, first, via the Allegheny river and French creek to Presque Isle; second, through the Ohio river to Beaver, thence by way of Beaver liver and French creek to the same point on Lake Erie. § See sections 6 and 7 of the act on page 273. II The main line when referred to later is not intended to include the sec- tions of the public works between Pittsburg and Lake Erie. Tliesc were never completed by the state, and once the work of construction had been undertaken, contemporary writers rarely spoke of them as being a part of the main line. A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 191 and the Kiskeminetas. ' Moreover, of the surveys authorized,* those for determining the remainder of the Juniata route werfs only a small fr/iction of the elaborate list. A general extension of the * Surveys were required to be made from Frankstown on the Juniata, to Johnstown on the Conemaugh, across the Allegheny mountain, such as might enable them to determine in what manner and by what kind of works, whether by a smooth and permanent road of easy gradation, or by a rail- road with locomotive or stationary engines, or otherwise, the portage or space between the above mentioned points might be passed so as to ensure the greatest public advantage. The board was also to cause further examina- tions, surveys, and levels to ascertain the practicability and cost of a naviga- ble communication between the west branch of the Susquehanna and the Allegheny rivers; also a similar examination on the route from Northumber- land up the north branch of the Susquehanna to the state line; from the western section of the Pennsylvania canal near the mouth of the Kiskemine- tas to a point on Lake Erie, via the Allegheny river and French creek, at or near the borough of Erie; and from the city of Pittsburg to the said point on Lake Erie, by the route of Beaver and Shenango; also an examination, survey, and estimate of the route for a canal and also for a railway with locomotive or stationary engines from Philadelphia, through Chester and Lancaster counties, so as to connect by the nearest and most practicable route with the eastern section of the Pennsylvania canal; also surveys, examina- tions, and estimates for a canal dowTi the Brandywine river to a point north of the Delaware state line, thence across tlie dividing ridge between that river and Chester creek, thence dowTi the same to the river Delaware. The com- missioners were alf?o required to make an examination to ascertain the practicability and cost of forming a connection of the north branch of the Susquelianna and the river Lehigh by means of a canal or railway, also surveys and estimates from the termination of the Pennsylvania canal at the mouth of the Swatara down the east and west sides of the Susquehanna to the Maryland line, and to make report to the next legislature of the expense and practicability of extending the Pennsylvania canal to the intersection of the Mai-yland line and the said river. Examinations were also to be made from the mouth of French creek, by way of Waterford, to the bay of Presque Isle, and from Conneaut lake to Lake Erie; also examinations along the valley of the Delaware from Philadelphia, or from Bristol or any intermedi- ate point between Bristol and the head of tide water to Carpenter's point, to effect a navigable canal communication; also surveys and estimates through the valleys of the Conodogwinet, Yellow Breeches, and Conococheague creeks, for the connection of the rivers Susquehanna and Potomac by a canal ; also from the west end of the Harrisburg bridge to Chambersburg, and from the west end of the Columbia bridge through York and Gettysburg to Chambersburg; also the proposed route for a canal between the Schuylkill and the Delaware. — See sections 1, 3 and 11 of the act in Appendix V. 193 A. L. Bishop — The State Worls of Pennsylvania. public improvements was thus foreshadoAved. We have already seen, however, that the original plan was to build the main line first. If lateral branches were to supplement it, they were, at least, for the time being, minor considerations. But noAv, scarcely more than a year after this scheme had been launched, it was supplemented by another which, when developed, provided the state with an extensive and unconnected system of transportation.* Hence it is clear that the Act of April 9th marks the commencement of a complete change of policy; and later developments showed plainly that the course to which the state was then committed was consistently pursued until 1834, when the main line and most of the lateral works were completed. Let us now see how the work of construction progressed under the new policy-. The first report of the canal boardf after the passage of the Act of April 9th, 1827, was made the following December. It shoAved that during the year they had placed under contract 18 miles of canal on the Delaware division from Bristol upwards; 40 miles on the Susquehanna between the Juniata and Northumberland ; 9 miles of the French Creek feeder; 44yo miles along the Juniata between its mouth and Lewistown; and 51 miles between Blairsville and Pittsburg. This made a total of 1621/2 miles of canal contracted for in 1827. Of this, 95% miles were on the main line, leaving a balance of 67 miles for local works. Numerous surveys had been made although the most strenuous eiforts had failed of accomplish- ing all of this work required by the Act of April 9th. In March of the following year another act of legislature:!: was passed relative to the extension of the public improvements. It ■authorized the construction of not more than 45 miles of canal along each of the following rivers — the Delaware, Conemaugh, Juniata and the north branch of the Susquehanna. Along the west branch of the last-mentioned waterway, 25 miles of canal were provided for, as also 10 miles along its course between Middletown and Columbia. Recent surveys had convinced the canal board that * "I have been tlnis particular in referring to the several works directed to be j)ut under contract hy the Act of 1827, because it was the commence- ment of a scheme of difVusive and unconnected works of improvement." — Exti-act from Gov. Wolfs message, December 7th, 1831, in J. H. Hep., 1831-2, II, p. 17. fSee J. IJ. Rep., 1827-28. II, p. 93, and 1831-32. p. 132. $Act of March 24th, 1828, in Laws of Pennsylvania, 1827-28, p. 221. A. L. Bishop — The State Worls of Pennsylvania. 193 the topography of the country between Philadelphia and the eastern section of the Pennsylvania canal was better adapted to railroad than to canal construction. In accordance with this suggestion, the legislature now provided for the commencement of a railroad between Philadelphia and Columbia. By the same act, many local surveys omitted from the elaborate list of the previous year were now required to be made. The report of the commissioners for 1828* furnished a good illustration of the working out of the new policy. Contracts had been let for 40yo miles of the roadbed of the Philadelphia and Columbia raih'oad, and for 1951/4; miles of canal. The following is a classified statementf of the latter : — • 23 miles along the west branch of the Susquehanna. 45 miles along the north branch of the Susquehanna. 351/2 miles along the Delaware. 101/2 miles of the French Creek feeder. 26I/2 miles from Blairsville up the Conemaugh. 45 miles along the Juniata. 10 miles between Middleto^vn and Columbia. I95I/2 miles in all. By referring to the map (p. 196) it is seen that only the last three items refer to contracts along the trunk line. They represent a total of but 8II/2 miles, against 114 for purely lateral works. On the 22d of April, 1829, "An Act relative to the Pennsylvania canal and railroad"^ was passed. It gave the canal board the power to enter into contracts for those sections of the improvements along the Delaware and the north branch division not yet commenced. They were also directed to complete during the ensuing year, if possible, all the works then in progress. The following December they were able to report§ that 195 miles of canal were finished. Only 151/2 miles of new work had been arranged for, but all of it was for extending local lines. During this year, rates of tolls were established and a code of rules to govern the operation of the public works was drawn up and adopted. The first revenue was collected in 1830 upon portions of the trunk line near Pittsburg and Middle- town. * J. H. Eep., 182S-9, II, p. 07, and 1831-2, II, p. 133. t J. H. Rep., 1831-2, II, p. 133. J Laws of Pennsylvania, 1829, p. 251. § J. H. Rep., 1829-30, II, p. 225. 194 A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. Although the Avork of construction had now been in progress for more than three years, and although many surveys had been made previous to the commencement of operations, yet neither the route nor the method of crossing the Allegheny mountain had been definitely determined. The dissipation of the energies of the state upon so many works caused serious delay in the settlement of these problems. By 1830, however, the negligence of the canal board in this respect was the subject of a good deal of discussion both within and without the legislature. It was urged that all other parts of the trunk line were now nearing completion. Until the links of canal on either side of the mountain were joined, however, the maximum advantage could not be obtained. For, as yet, they could be used only for local traffic, whereas the chief purpose in constructing the works was to provide a through route to command western trade. Accordingly, on the 27th of March, 1830, legisla- tive provisions* were made for a thorough survey of the passes of the mountain by three competent engineers. "When the commissioners sent in their reportf in December, 1830, their recommendation, based upon the recent surveys, was for a railroad rather than for a macadamized road to make the necessary connection. This matter was finally arranged for by an Act| of March 21st, 1831, — over five years after the first work on the main line tad been authorized. Sylvester Welch, one of the most com- petent engineers in the service of the state, was given full charge, and under his direction the route was determined, and the road finally constructed. In their report§ of December 15th, 1831, it appeared that,, during the year, the conmiissioners had arranged for the construction of 155% miles of canal and feeder. An analysis of the "lettings" reveals the significant fact that only 5OI4 miles were on the main line. The remainder, 105^ miles, or more than two-thirds of the total length contracted for, represented extensions of lateral works. In the meantime, arrangements had been made for the formation of the road-bed of a part of both the Allegheny portage and the Phila- *Laws of Pennsylvania, 1829-30, p. 129. f J. H. llep., 18.30-31, II, p. 139. Tliis report showed that water had been admitted into 406 miles of canal. Also 40^ miles of the bod of the Philadel- phia and Columbia railroad were graded and ready for the rails. JLaws of Pennsylvajiia, 1830-31, p. 194. § J. H. Rep., 1831-32, II, p. 107, and 1833-.34, III, pp. 4-5. A. L. Bishop — The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. 195 delphia and Columbia railroads, also for laying the rails along about 40 miles of the latter line. During the next two years 75 miles of new canal and railroad work were commenced. All of the canal work was on local lines. The railroad contracts were necessarily connected with the trunk line. Vigorous efforts were made to complete all the improvements in progress; and^ when the canal commissioners made their report in December, 1834, they proudly announced that all the lines of canal and railway authorized by law were so far completed as to admit of transportation throughout their whole length.* The main line between Philadelphia and Pittsburg, though hampered in its construction by the dissipation of the energies of the state upon so many lateral and local works, had been completed in March, 1834. On account of the lack of facilities for handling traffic, very little business was done, however, until the following spring. The total length of the through line was 394.54 miles. When it was ready for use, the state had undertaken and completed 637 miles of public improvements. But the work did not end here. The faith of the state had already been pledged to several of its districts as yet not provided with their quota of improvements. Within two years, a renewed expansion of the system began. Liberal appropriations were made from time to time for the extensionf of the north and west branch divisions along the Susquehanna, the line between Pittsburg and Erie, the Wiconisco canal, and the Gettysburg railroad. The new movement continued with occasional interruptions until 1842. Dur- ing this time, 135 miles of work were completed and 162 more undertaken. This made the total length of the public improve- ments 934 miles. After 1842, the only important activity of the state in the matter of transportation improvements was directed to the furtherance of the north branch extension, and to avoiding the inclined planes on the railways of the main line.:]: In order to form any correct estimate of the location and extent of the state works, it is necessary at this point to consider the sev- eral divisions separately. Turning our attention to the trunk line, ■^ J. H. Rep., 1834-35, II (Appendix), p. 3. t J. H. Rep., 1840, II, p. 8. X J. H. Rep., 1842, III, p. 4. 196 A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. let us begin at its eastern terminus and examine the various sec- tions in order.* llie Philadelphia avd Columbia railroad was the first link in the western chain. It commenced at the intersection of Vine and Broad streets, Philadelphia, and terminated at Columbia on the Susque- hanna, a distance of 81.6 miles, opening a direct communication between the valleys of the Delaware and the Susquehanna, and intersecting those of the Schuylkill, Brandywine and Conestoga. As originally built, the road had two inclined planes. At a dis- tance of about two miles from its point of commencement it crossed the Schuylkill by a viaduct 984 feet in length, and immediately ascended an inclined plane of 2,805 feet in length and 187 in height. Another inclined plane 1,800 feet in length and 90 in height was descended immediately before joining the canal basin at Columbia. The planes were never satisfactory, being slow and expensive in their operation,! and they were scarcely finished before efforts were made to avoid them. On the 30th of N^ovember, 1836, a contract was entered into for the construction of a road six and one-half miles long to avoid the one at Columbia. At its completion in March, 1840, the plane was abandoned. One track of the Schuylkill plane was avoided in October, 1850, and the other the following December, by the construction of the West Philadelphia railroad from a point near the present Ardmore station to the Avest end of the Market Street bridge. Various lateral extensions of this road were made, the two most important of which were those to York and Gettysburg. The legislature authorized the construction of this section of the main line of works on the 24th of March, 1828, and in March, 1834, a single track along the entire route from * Most of the facts found in the following description of the public improvements were taken directly from the reports of the canal commis- sioners, and from Tanner's Canals and Railways of the United States. f Tliey were operate £V "^^.^ for /o-CoC aoC faifon liPlTTSBURa ^^y//^ Fnnk'sT,.'/ '4 ^^^ \>:^ ;))) ">><», Reodir ^ohmt^wo <^ Co''> \vements, the debt was $1,840,000.^ The report of the committee on ways and means' made to the legislature in 1823 expressed the regret that Pennsylvania has adopted a system of borrowing. The time was anxiously anticipated when the state should be free from debt. If the policy of spend- ing more than the legitimate revenues supplied were continued, the result must be taxation or a state-debt- They believed "that neither our form of government nor the habits or disposition of our citizens is calculated for either debt or taxation; but if one or the other must be adopted they would prefer taxes rather tlian debt."' This preference, however, was not embodied in their recommendations of ways and means since they advised "the passage of a law authorizing the governor to obtain on loan from the Philadelphia Bank the sum of $100,000 ... to renew the loans with the Pennsylvania Bank as they shall fall due, and to make such other loans as the exigencies of the state may require . . . for any time not exceeding four years." The reason for recommending the continuance of a policy adverse to their con- victions was: — "The great scarcity of a circulating mediimi in the interior of the state woTild make it very diflleult if not impracticable to raise money by any general system of ta.vation."' f During the year 1826, however, the state treasurer was authorized to pay the coimmissioners of tlie fund, out of the receipts from duties on auctions, such sums as might be necessary to meet the interest on loans autliorized duiing that year . for canal construction. After December 1st, 1826, $30,000 annually were to be paid into the improvement fund out of the auction duties. J Auctioneers were required to be licensed. They were allowed a fixed percentage on their sales, and along with this commission they had to collect for the use of the state, an additional one per cent. The bonds given by the auctioneers were security for the payment of the collections made for the state. Four times a year the duties thus collected were paid intx) the treasury. — See General Index to the Laws of Pennsylvania, 1700-1812, p. 47. ^ Report of Joint Committee on Pennsylvania's finances from 1838-43, read ill the House, May 15th, 1878. == See J. H. Rep., 1822-23, p. 820. A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 207 the net proceeds of escheats; the dividends accruing on the canal, road, and bridge stock owned by the state; also the tolls to be taken on the public works when built. Let us now endeavor to make a fair estimate of the yearly revenue thus diverted into the improvement fund. In any safe system of finance, the "appropriations, grants and donations" could scarcely be regarded as sources of any sure revenue. Hence it seems fair to say that such contingent contributions should have little or no weight in computing the strength of the fund in question. The second item, viz., $30,000 from the auction duties, could be depended upon as always forthcoming, since this was only a small fraction of the yearly revenue derived from that tax.* The net proceeds of escheats was but a minor fund, also uncertain. In 1827, it amounted to $2,040.35, but for the next three years it averages only $485. One thousand dollars per year was certainly as much as could reasonably be expected from this source. f Tor a number of years following 1826, the dividends on the state stock diverted to the improvement fund averaged $29,000, and as the yearly income from this source had usually approximated this figure it could quite safely be depended upon as forthcoming. Finally, the revenue to be derived from tolls depended wholly upon the future. The fund could not be augmented from this source for several years, however great might be its contribution in time to come. Consequently we find that the sums that might reasonably be collected yearly to constitute an interest fund were approximately as follows: — Auction duties $30,000 Escheats 1,000 Dividends on canal, road and bridge stock 29,000 Total $60,000 Computing interest at five per cent., the market rate when pre- vailing, this sum was sufficient to pay the interest upon loans of $1,200,000. The estimated cost of constructing the through line * In 1826, the auction duties amounted to $108,820.06 and for several years afterwards they were never less than this sum. See Hammond, Tabular View of the Financial Affairs of Pennsylvania, p. 14. I The average yearly income from this source for the twelve years follow- ing 1827 was $1,061. — Hammond, Tabular View of the Financial Affairs of Pennsylvania, p. 17. 208 A. L. Bishop — The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. from Middleto-\vn to Pittsburg as originally designed was, as has been shown, $3,000,000. Moreover, the time to construct the works was put down as six years. Hence it is clear that the provisions made, at this time, for financing the Pennsylvania canal were entirely inadequate and unsafe, even though the original plan of construction had been adhered to, and the estimated cost had been correct. Since j^cav York's canal had been completed before Pennsyl- vania's works were commenced, and since both states depended upon loans to pay the cost of construction, the question, naturally arises at this point as to whether the latter state modelled its system for financing the public works iipon that of the former. In order to answer this question it may be well before entering upon a con- sideration of the actual working out of Pennsylvania's financial arrangements to compare the "internal improvement fund" with the "canal fund" of New York. In 1817, when the construction of the Erie and Champlain canals was about to be commenced, a sound policy for financing the works was adopted.* It appears that no reliance whatever was placed upon prospective tolls. But a fund was constituted which, without possibility of failure, should meet the interest on the loans con- tracted to construct the public works. To this end, the taxes on steamboats, on salt, on goods sold at auction, and some other minor dues were diverted from the "general fund" to a special "canal fund." The latter was placed under the charge of the canal com- missioners, who were expressly required to limit their loans so that the total annual interest should, in no case, exceed the income of that fund. Again, after the canals were constructed, and when tolls were coming in freely, the latter^ along with the salt and auction duties, were put into a sinking fund, for the extinguishing of the debt of $7,737,771 incurred in building the canals. Moreover, it was definitely provided that no use should be made of these revenues for any other purpose whatsoever. In making these arrangements it was generally understood that the object was to discharge the debt, to restore to. the "general fund" the moneys diverted from it, and to remove forever all danger of a resort to taxation. Thus it * The facts given here regarding the provisions made for finajicing the Erie and Champlain canals are found in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, Vol. XVIII, 1848, p. 245, and in a Report of the Ways and Means Committee of the Assembly of New York, March, 1838. A. L. Bishop — The State Woi-ks of Pennsylvania. 209 is evident that a clear, safe and well-defined policy was laid out and pursued, viz. — to contract no debts without arranging before- hand, beyond the possibility of doubt, the ways and means of paying the interest and later the principal itself. In accordance with these plans, the funds for meeting interest payments were always ample, and the part of the improvement debt falling due in 1836 was easily paid.. The balance remaining in the sinking fund, at this time, was $3,931,132, and the remainder of the debt which did not mature until 1845 was only $3,762,256. The latter would have been discharged at once, had it been possible to get the state's creditors to surrender their certificates at a reason- able figure. There being no longer any need of augmenting the sinking fund, legislation was passed in 1836 providing for the res- toration to the "general fund" of the salt and auction duties, also for diverting $200,000 annually from the canal revenues to the same fund. It thus seems clear that the meagre provisions made by Pennsyl- vania for financing the trunk line were not copied from J^ew York. On the contrary, the sound policy of the latter state affords a striking contrast to that of the . former. The inevitable result of such negligence of duty on the part of Pennsylvania was that, within a short time, the interest fund was exhausted. An acknowledg- ment of this fact by the commissioners* resulted, as we shall soon see, in a temporary decline of the credit of the state. The first loanf negotiated to secure funds to commence the con- struction of the public works was for the sum of $300,000, author- ized by an Act of April 1st, 1826.| From this time until 1842, the period of the active " prosecution of the state improvements, $53,352,648.72 were expended by the commissioners of the internal improvement fund. Indeed, within two years from the date when the first ground was broken, permanent loans had been floated amounting to $3,300,000 and the work of construction was only fairly under way. As early as 1829, the confidence of "capitalists and moneyed institutions" had become shaken respecting the suffi- ciency of the fund pledged for the payment of interest. So great *■ See Report of the Commissioners of the Internal Improvement Fund for February 19th, 1829, in J. H. Rep., 1828-29, II, p. 589. f The rate of interest was 5 per cent., and the stock sold at a premium of 31 per cent. • J Laws of Pennsylvania, 1825-26, p. 168. 210 A. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. was the alarm at this time, that not a single bid was made for a permanent loan for $2,200,000 authorized by an Act of April 22d, 1829.* This was not due to any tightness in the money market, for, in the words of Governor Shultze, "the canal stock of a neighboring state commands a premium abroad, while that of this no less worthy commonwealth is in no demand and will not sell at all."t More- over, it was only with great difficulty that money could be obtained on temporary loan to meet the urgent demands on the improvement fund.J The suspicions of the "capitalists and moneyed institutions" concerning the sufficiency of the fund for interest payments were not without foundation. The commissioners, in their report of February 19th, 1829, made no attempt to conceal the actual con- ditions when they predicted a "deficiency of money belonging to the fund on the 1st of February, 1830, to meet the semi-annual payment of interest on loans due on that day, of $53,880." On the date mentioned, the amount of interest to be paid was $157,500, and had not $100,000 then been transferred§ from the state treas- ury to the internal improvement fund, there would have been a deficit of $70,338.81. Again, on the 1st of August of the same year the deficit was $77,838.81, although in the meantime a similar transfer of $25,000 had been made. Furthermore, in the face of these difficulties a temporary loan was authorized on November 17th, 1829, to provide, among other things, for the payment of matur- ing interest. This one act of emergency legislation would not be considered unfavorably had not this make-shift policy for a number of years afterwards been frequently repeated. || The failure to negotiate the loan of April 22d, 1829, and the increasing deficit in the interest fund were the cause of serious thought on the part of the executive and the legislative officers of the state. Moreover, at the close of 1829, the sum of $1,398,790.67 was due to various contractors, many of whom, on account of delay * See Gov. Wolf's message in J. H. Rep., 1831-32, II, p. 19. t Message of November 4th, 1829, in J. H. Rep., 1829-30, II, p. 5. $See Gov. Wolf's message in J. H. Rep., 1831-32, II, p. 19. §.By an Act of April 22n(i, 1829, the state treasurer was authorized to pay to the commissioners of the internal improvement fund to be applied to the interest account any money not othermse appropriated, which, in the opinion of the commissioners, could l>e done without embarrassing the ordinary operations of the treasury. |] See J. H. Rep., 1836-37, II, p. 22. A. L. Bishop — The State Woyhs of Pennsylvania. 211 in obtaining their pay, were in distressing conditions.* In his mes- sage of January 14th, 1830, Governor Wolf discussed at length the whole situation. He pointed out the complete inefficiency of the improvement fund to meet the interest on the existing loans of $8,300,000, and on the additional sums that, sooner or later, must be borrowed to complete the works. In order to create an interest fund Avhich should be both ample and permanent, he strongly advised taxation. Again, in their report of February 22d, 1830, the house committee on ways and means stated that it was "the imper- ative duty of the present legislature to adopt effective measures to guard against any possible deficiency to meet the engagements of the state. "t Furthermore, they mentioned that, in view of the rapidly increasing interest charges on the loans, which then aggre- gated nearly $10,000,000,$ they would recommend, later, a system of taxation to supplement the present sources for interest payment. The effect of these and other expressions of determination to strengthen the interest fund was shown, even before any action was taken in this direction, in the rise of the credit of the state. For between March, 1830, and December, 1831, $386,989.71 were paid into the treasury as premiums on stock loans, § and diverted to the fund for interest payment. During this time, to use the words of Governor Wolf, "capitalists and moneyed institutions vied with each other as to which of them should obtain the state loans, in the entire confidence that an adequate fund for the punctual semi-annual payment of the interest would be established." || In this matter, however, they were over-sanguine. For the taxa- tion bills reported by the committee on ways and means were by no means as extensive as had been assured, nor were they adequate to the ever-increasing demands for interest money. They were as fol- lows : — First, a tax of one mill on the dollar upon personal property not subject to county rates and levies ; second, an* increase of one * See J. H. Rep., 1829-30, II, p. 574. t J. H. Rep., 1829-30, II, p. 663. I The whole amount of money appropriated for the stale works up to December 10th, 1830, was $10,288,309.69. See Haz. Reg.,, VII, p. 12. § The permanent loans upon which this amount of premiums was paid aggregated $6,783,101.88. They were placed at 5 per cent, and all sold at a ' premium. See Hammond, Tabular View of the Financial Affairs of Penn- sylvania, p. 9. II J. H. Rep., 1831-32, II, p. 19. 212 .1. L. Bishop — T]ic State Worli.s of Pennsylvania. mill on the dollar on all county rates and levies; third, a tax on inns and taverns, expected to add $40,000 yearly revenue; fourth, a tax on judicial proceedings such as recording deeds and mortgages, estimated as capable of swelling the annual revenue by $50,000; fifth, an alteration of the law concerning the retailing of mer- chandise, so as to give an increase of $40,000 annually. By the time the above recommendations had been fully discussed in both houses of the legislature, items three, four, and five were cancelled, and only the first two were included in the tax laws of March 25th, 1831. These were to be kept in force for five years, and would therefore have expired by limitation in March, 1836, had they not been repealed previously.* They were designed to help replenish the interest fund, only until the revenue expected from the public works should be ample to meet this and many other purposes. f It is hardly necessary to say that the above tax laws were unim- portant and entirely insufficient. In fact they may have been designed by the legislature rather to raise credit than actual rev- enue. During the period of almost five years in which they were in force, the total amount of revenue collected was only $1,052, 650. 78. 1 By 1835, the last year these laws were in force, the yearly interest on the improvement loans slightly exceeded this figure. § Certainly no further facts are necessary to demonstrate the futility of the taxation policy of 1831. In spite of the failure of the legislature to create an interest fund Avhich should be "both ample and permanent," no further trouble was experienced for some time in securing, upon easy terms, the money necessary to carry on the public works. In fact, all the loans floated for the purpose of bringing the improvements to com- pletion in 1834 bore a substantial premium. || Por instance, the 5 per cent, stocks of 1832-33, to the amount of $2,500,000, redeemable in 1860, sold at almost, 15 per cent, above par.|f The reasons for this are apparent. In the first place, the expressions of determina- tion to preserve the credit of the state, at the time of its temporary decline in 1829, tended to make the money lenders confident regard- * They were repealed on Febriiaiy 18th, 1836. fSee J. H. Rep., 1831-32, II, pp. 20-21. :|: Hammond, Talnilnr View of the Financial Afl'airs of Pennsylvania, p. 14. §lbid., p. 11. 11 Ibid., p. 9. U Hunt's Mer. Mag., XX, 1849, p. 260. .4. L. Bishop — The State Works of Pennsylvania. 213 iug the security of their loans. But of no less importance than this was the influence of the general financial condition of the country. Both at home and abroad, money was abundant and the expansion of state and individual credits was exceedingly popular.* The spirit of speculation was by no means confined to this state, but it was raging all over the country. Banks were created in great num- bersf and became the instruments of the expanding credit mania. Under these conditions, Pennsylvania had no trouble to sell her stock profusely to provide means for completing her extensive system of public improvements. Moreover, the funds thus secured were from time to time freely drawn upon to pay the interest on previous loans. As a result of this policy, when the main line and lateral works had been completed and were coming into general use in 1835, the state debt was $24,589,743.32.$ The greater part of this ($22, 420,003. 32)§ had been incurred in the construction of canals and railways. The whole of this sum had been borrowed at 5 per cent, and had yielded to the treasury in premiums on the respective loans the sum of $1,356,653. 36. || Moreover in this year, the ordi- * "States, banks, corporations and individuals all moved forward in har- monious unison, borrowing all they eould and wherever they could, without reference to their future ability and means of repayment." — Extract from Governor Porter's Message, in J. H. Rep., 1840, 11, p. 19. "During the ten years following 1820, public stocks were authorized in the various states to the amount of $26,000,000, of which nearly $18,000,000 were held against the three states, Xew York, Pennsylvania and Ohio. Between the years 1830 and 1835, $40,000,000 were added to the obligations of the states, while the three years previous to 1838 witnessed an increase of local indebtedness to the amount of $107,000." — Adams, Public Debts, p. 318. f Banks in the United States. Loans and Number Capital Discounts Circulation Specie 1820 303 $137,110,611 $189,2.52,422 $ 44,863.344 19,820,240 1830 330 145,192,268 200,451,214 61,323,896 22,144,917 1837 634 290,772,091 525,115,702 149,185,890 37,915,340 — See Governor Porter's message of January 8th, 1840, in J. H. Rep., 1840, II, p. 15. I See Governor Shmik's message in Exec. Docs., 1845, p. 6. § See Governor Wolf's aimual message of Dec. 2d, 1835, in J'. H. Rep., 1835-36, II, p. 11. ]|Ibid., p. 11. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XIII. 16 Nov., 1907. 214 A. L. Bishop — The State WorJcs of Pennsylvania. nary revenue, exclush'e of loans, was $1,643,923.21, of which $562,690 was from taxes, and $684,357.77 from canal and railroad tolls. The interest payments, in 1835, totalled $1,169,455.69, a sum, as will be seen, nearly equal to the entire revenue. In the face of such unsound financial conditions, economy in all matters of public policy and a reinforcement of the tax laws of 1831 would naturally have been expected. On the contrary, however, a wide extension of the internal improvement system was commenced, and the above- mentioned laws were repealed. Let us now examine the circum- stances giving rise to such action. The charter of the Bank of the United States was to expire March 3d, 1836. As early as ISTovember preceding this date, proj- ects began to be discussed for getting from Pennsylvania a state charter. This scheme soon became popular, for it appeared that there would be obtained in this way by the state a large sum of ready money, as well as the means for placing loans upon easy terms. Furthermore, the extensive patronage which had already grown up under the past expenditvire of nearly $23,000,000 among jobbers and contractors, as well as under the appointment of numerous operators on the public works, naturally produced a strong party in favor of any movement which would provide for their extension. Besides, many could be found anxious to endorse any reasonable plan to avoid paying taxes. Accordingly, on Feb- ruary 18th, 1836, a bill was passed entitled "An act to repeal the state tax on real and personal property, to continue and extend the improvements of the state by railroads and canals, and to charter a state bank to be called the United States Bank."* This act, then considered the means for effecting the financial redemp- tionf of the state, has been justly characterized as follows : — "The act of the Pennsylvania Legislature, by which the United States Bank of Pennsylvania was chartered, is, on its face, a piece | * Laws of Poimsylvania, 183ri-36, p. .3G. f Governor Rilner, in his annual message for 1836, in speaking of this act said: "Tlie increase of the state debt is arrested. Tlie state tax has been ■ permanently repealed. Loans for the payment of interest, that infallible precursor of private as well as public bankruptcy, liave, I trust, forever I ceased. . . . . The whole of this healthful and cheering change was j produced by one well-time, wise and truly Pennsylvanian act of legislation. The Bank of the United States became, as a State institution, the means of .producing for Pennsylvania that financial redemption which it had formerly effected for the Union."— J. H. Rep., 1836-37, II, p. 22. A. L. Bisliop—The State Worhs of Pennsylvania. 215 of corrupt legislation. Its corruption was addressed to the people of the state, not to private individuals. It comprised three projects in an obvious log-rolling combination, — remission of taxes, public improvements, and bank charter."* The first section, as before mentioned, repealed the tax laws of 1831, and thus left the state almost taxless. By other sections, more than two millions of dollars were appropriated at once, for the extension of the transportation improvements. Furthermore, in consideration of the privileges conferred upon the bank by this act, and in lieu of all taxes on dividends, it was to pay into the treasury of the commonwealth the sum of $2,500,000, and a further annual sum of $100,000 for twenty yearsf for common school pur- poses. It was also pledged to advance on permanent loan any sum or sums not exceeding in the whole $6,000,000, in return for which the state was to issue negotiable certificates of stock, reimbursable in 1868, bearing interest at 4 or 5 per c